Judgment and Decision Making, Vol. 10, No. 1, January 2015, pp. 97-114
Inferring choice criteria with mixture IRT models: A demonstration using ad hoc and goal-derived categoriesSteven Verheyen* Wouter Voorspoels# Gert Storms# |
Whether it pertains to the foods to buy when one is on a diet, the items to take along to the beach on one’s day off or (perish the thought) the belongings to save from one’s burning house, choice is ubiquitous. We aim to determine from choices the criteria individuals use when they select objects from among a set of candidates. In order to do so we employ a mixture IRT (item-response theory) model that capitalizes on the insights that objects are chosen more often the better they meet the choice criteria and that the use of different criteria is reflected in inter-individual selection differences. The model is found to account for the inter-individual selection differences for 10 ad hoc and goal-derived categories. Its parameters can be related to selection criteria that are frequently thought of in the context of these categories. These results suggest that mixture IRT models allow one to infer from mere choice behavior the criteria individuals used to select/discard objects. Potential applications of mixture IRT models in other judgment and decision making contexts are discussed.
Keywords: multi-attribute decision making, individual differences, categorization, goals, ideals.
On his website http://theburninghouse.com designer Foster Huntington invites people to post a picture of the things they would save from their house if it were to be on fire. About the project he writes: “If your house was burning, what would you take with you? It’s a conflict between what’s practical, valuable and sentimental. What you would take reflects your interests, background and priorities. Think of it as an interview condensed into one question.” His introduction captures a number of intuitions about how one would select objects to save from a fire: (i) Multiple considerations will probably go into the decision. (ii) There are likely to be important differences between individuals in the objects they select. (iii) The selection of objects might reveal information about an individual that is otherwise hard to obtain.
The pictures that respondents provide on the website appear to support the above intuitions. An individual’s picture generally contains a set of diverse objects, some of which are functional and some of which are emotionally or financially valuable. Pictures by different individuals contain different numbers of functional versus valuable objects and tend to differ in the specific instantiations of valued objects. It is certainly the case that the pictures provide a peek into the life of the respondents, highlighting those objects they value the most. But what can we infer from a specific set of objects about the considerations that went into their selection? Do these choices of material items convey anything about the purposes and desires of individuals who face the loss of their furnishings? And are individuals really as different as their seemingly idiosyncratic choices might lead us to suspect, or do they reflect more general inclinations that are shared by many?
These are the kinds of questions we would like to answer in this paper. They pertain to the possibility of inferring latent criteria from overt selection decisions and the nature of the inter-individual selection differences. In what follows we will first introduce the terminology that we will use in treating these questions. Then, we will introduce the formal framework that will allow us to answer the above questions. When finally we apply the framework to empirically obtained selection data, the intuitions that Foster Huntington formulated for the category of things you rescue from a burning house will be shown to hold for many other categories as well. We conclude the paper by discussing how the formal framework may be employed to answer substantial questions in the judgment and decision making literature.
If one abstracts away from the unusual premise that a burning house is involved, the above questions can be recognized as recurring ones in the many disciplines of cognitive science that study human judgments. They pertain to individual differences in the criteria that are used, the number of criteria that are used, the order in which they are considered, the weights that are attached to them, and the manner a judgment is derived from them (Juslin et al. [2003], Pachur and Bröder [2013], Van Ravenzwaaij et al. [2014]). What differs between disciplines are the names for the criteria (attributes, cues, dimensions, features, …) and the judgments (categorization, choice, decision, induction, inference, selection, …) that are employed. One example is categorization, where individuals may rely on different apparent dimensions to arrive at an externally defined correct classification (Bartlema et al. [2014]) or abstract features from their environment to arrive at a conventional classification (Verheyen and Storms [2013]). Multi-attribute decision making is another example. Depending on whether individuals rely upon objectifiable or more subjective attributes, the problem of determining the criteria individuals employ goes under the name probabilistic inference or preferential choice (Pachur and Bröder [2013], Söllner et al. [2014], Weber and Johnson [2009]).
In some disciplines the use of criteria is not the main topic of interest, but considered to be merely indicative of that what individuals strive for. Depending on the discipline these intended end states are referred to as desires, goals, interests, or purposes (Austin and Vancouver [1996], Graff [2000]). A case in point are so-called ad hoc categories like things you rescue from a burning house. Ad hoc categories are constructed on the fly to serve a specific goal such as the minimization of financial loss or the preservation of precious souvenirs (Barsalou [1985]). Selection is important to attain a goal (Barsalou [1991], Barsalou [2003]). One needs to identify those objects that are most instrumental to attain the goal (Austin and Vancouver [1996], Förster et al. [2005]). In the case of an individual whose house is on fire and is willing to risk his life to minimize financial loss, this amounts to identifying and carrying out the objects that are highest in monetary value in the limited time s/he has available. Since this favors the selection of objects with an extreme value on the relevant criterion, the criterion is sometimes called an ideal (Barsalou [1985], Lynch et al. [2000]). The extent to which an object meets the choice criterion determines its idealness and corresponding likelihood of being included in the category.
Regardless of whether the choice criteria are being retrieved from memory, identified in the environment, or a combination of both (Bröder and Schiffer [2003], Gigerenzer and Todd [1999]), the question of how to confine the set of potential criteria pervades all described domains (Glöckner and Betsch [2011], Marewski and Schooler [2011], Scheibehenne et al. [2013], Verheyen and Storms [2013]). The question is perhaps most pressing for theories that adopt constructs such as goals and would like to determine the particular goals that drive individuals (Austin and Vancouver [1996], Ford and Nichols [1987], Kuncel and Kuncel [1995]). By definition goals are internally represented, private constructs that one need not necessarily be able to verbalize or even consciously experience. As a result, most of the research involves artificial laboratory tasks with a limited number of salient criteria. This is true both for categorization (Smits et al. [2002]) and for multi-attribute decision making (Lipshitz [2000]). Similarly, the research into goals has been focusing on a limited set of specific goals (Deci and Ryan [1985], Ryan [1992]). The modus operandi in the field has been to look into goals that are salient in natural settings (e.g., Medin et al. [1996], Ratneshwar et al. [2001], Simon [1994]) or to experimentally induce them in laboratory settings (e.g., Förster et al. [2005], Jee and Wiley [2007], Locke and Latham [1990]) and to investigate whether individuals’ selection decisions differ as a result of the known differences in goals.
Contrary to these customs, our approach will allow the criteria to be uncovered from the selection decisions. We introduce a formal framework that relates the overt decisions to latent constructs that allow one to infer what considerations underlay the selection decisions. This is established by positioning the candidate objects along a dimension according to their likelihood of being selected. Assuming that the objects that are chosen foremost are the ones that best meet the choice criteria, it is only a matter of interpreting the dimension to determine the considerations that went into the selection decisions. If the choices were to pertain to an ad hoc category such as things you rescue from a burning house and the objects that are listed according to frequency of selection were to follow the objects’ monetary value, it is likely that monetary value was the ideal and minimization of financial loss was the goal underlying the selection decisions.
The ability to organize objects according to the likelihood of selection presumes individual differences in selection. If everyone were to select the same objects, this would be an impossible endeavour. We hypothesize that these individual differences come in two kinds: differences in the criteria for selection and differences in the standards that are imposed on these criteria. Both types of individual differences are incorporated in so-called mixture IRT (item-response theory) models (Mislevy and Verhelst [1990], Rost [1990], Verheyen and Storms [2013]), a class of models from the psychometric literature that are generally used to identify differences among individuals in how they solve tests, both with respect to strategy and ability. Before we turn to a discussion of how we intend to use mixture IRT models to infer choice criteria, we elaborate on the inter-individual selection differences we presume. Since the empirical demonstration we offer will involve ad hoc categories and goal-derived categories (i.e., ad hoc categories that have become well-established in memory, for instance, through frequent use; Barsalou [1985]), we will frame both the discussion of these individual differences and the models in terms of goals and ideals. The models can, however, just as well be applied to situations in which one is interested in mere individual differences in objective choice criteria, without reference to more remote constructs.
When it comes to satisfying a goal, it is important to acknowledge that not all means are equivalent. If one’s goal is to minimize the financial losses due to a fire, one is better off saving the television from the flames than a stuffed animal. However, if one is more intent on rescuing valuable souvenirs, a treasured stuffed animal will be the better choice. Objects differ in their ability to fulfill a particular goal (Barsalou [1991], Garbarino and Johnson [2001]) and people are sensitive to these differences (Barsalou [1985]). In light of these differences, selection serves an important function (Barsalou [1991], Barsalou [2003]).
The example of things you rescue from a burning house allows for the easy identification of two sources of individual differences in the decision to include an object in the category or not. First, individuals can have different goals when confronted with their burning house. Some may want to minimize financial loss, while others may want to preserve as many souvenirs as possible. Depending on one’s goal, the properties that are desirable for objects to be included will differ. Individuals intent on minimizing financial loss will want to save objects of high financial value, while individuals intent on preserving as many souvenirs as possible will want to save objects of high emotional significance. These ideals determine the relative likelihood with which objects will be selected. The likelihood of selection increases with idealness. Among individuals who want to preserve souvenirs, the likelihood of rescue will increase with the emotional value of the object. The same objects will have a different likelihood of being selected by individuals who want to minimize financial loss. Among these individuals the likelihood of rescue will increase with the financial value of the object.
Second, individuals that have a similar goal may impose different standards for including objects in their selection (Barsalou [1985], Barsalou [1991], Graff [2000]). While two individuals may both be intent on minimizing the financial losses due to the fire, the first may require objects to be at least $500 to risk her life for, while the other may require them to be at least $1,000. Whether an object will actually be included in the category things you rescue from a burning house will thus also depend on the cut-off for inclusion an individual imposes on the ideal. Put differently, individuals may agree on how a particular property makes one object more suitable to be included than another, but still differ in opinion about the extent to which objects have to display the property to actually be included. The higher the standard one imposes, the fewer the objects that will be included.
To introduce the formal framework let us start off with a hypothetical problem. Imagine that we present a group of people with a collection of objects that are commonly found in houses and ask them to indicate which of these objects they would save from their own house if it were to be on fire. For every individual-object-combination we would then obtain a decision Yio, either taking value 1 when individual i decides that object o would be saved or taking value 0 when i decides that o would not be saved. Let us further assume that we know (i) all respondents to share the same goal and (ii) any individual differences in selection to be due to the use of different standards. Having only the selection decisions Yio at one’s disposal, how could one identify the contents of the goal that underlies all respondents’ decisions?
A straightforward manner to accomplish this would be to determine for every object the proportion of individuals from the group who decided to save it. Since we assumed our hypothetical individuals not to pick out the same objects, but to select different numbers because of differences in the standard they impose on the properties relevant to their goal, objects are likely to differ considerably in selection proportion. The proportion for every object can then be identified with its idealness, provided the assumption holds that the objects that are chosen foremost are the ones best able to satisfy the goal. Arranging the objects according to the proportion of selection yields a dimension of variation (i.e., the presumed ideal). Determining the contents of this ideal involves the interpretation of the dimension.
It is clear in this hypothetical example that individuals’ response patterns are informative. Notably, the responses of any individual would follow a Guttman structure if they were listed in the order of the objects’ frequency of selection (across individuals). A Guttman structure with n entries consists of a series of k zeros (not selected), followed by a series of n-k ones (selected, e.g., {0,0,0,…,1,1}). The order of objects is invariant across individuals, but the value of k may differ between individuals (e.g., patterns {0,0,1,…,1,1} and {0,1,1,…,1,1} would indicate that the first respondent imposes a higher standard than the second respondent does). Such patterns suggest that all individuals employ a common ideal to decide whether to select an object or not, with a higher probability of being selected, the higher an object’s idealness.
Real response patterns, however, rarely conform to this ideal scenario (pun intended). As we already indicated in the introduction, respondents do not necessarily share a common goal. Whenever goals have been elicited with respect to a particular domain, several goals usually exist, and their contents may be quite diverse (Borkenau [1991], Loken and Ward [1990], Voorspoels et al. [2013]). One would expect that individuals with different goals display different selection behavior, as the objects that are considered ideal for one goal are not necessarily those that are considered ideal for other goals. Candidate objects would therefore have a different likelihood of being selected depending on the goal of the individual who is responsible for the selection. Our approach will therefore attempt to identify a number of latent groups g among the individuals, with the understanding that individuals within a group display consistent selection behavior (i.e., share a similar goal) that is different from the selection behavior of other groups (i.e., they have different goals). That is, arranging the candidate objects according to selection proportions is likely to yield a different order and interpretation in different groups.
The purpose of the modeling exercise is to explain the systematicity in the selection differences. Idiosyncratic response patterns are in all likelihood not informative for our purpose. If one were to accommodate any minor deviation with a new group with separate Guttman pattern, this would likely result in an infeasible, uninformative number of groups. We therefore argue for a probabilistic approach in which it suffices that individuals’ response patterns tend toward a Guttman pattern. It comes in the form of a mixture IRT model (Mislevy and Verhelst [1990], Rost [1990]) that considers every selection decision the outcome of a Bernoulli trial with the probability of a positive decision derived as follows:
Pr(Yio=1)= |
| . (1) |
The model in Equation (1) uses the information that is contained in the individuals’ response patterns to organize both individuals and objects along a latent dimension, much like the procedure that was outlined for our hypothetical example organized objects along a (latent) dimension of variation. The main divergence from the solution to the hypothetical problem is that the current model allows for multiple dimensions of variation, one for each subgroup of respondents the model infers from the data. We will take these dimensions to represent the ideals that serve the respondents’ goals. For each group g of individuals the model organizes the candidate objects along a dimension according to their likelihood of being selected by that group. βgo indicates the position of object o along the dimension for group g. Higher values for βgo indicate objects that are more likely to be selected. It is assumed that individuals in a group share the same goal, and that the organization of the objects can thus be conceived of as reflecting their idealness with respect to the goal. The better an object is at satisfying the goal, the more likely it is to be selected and consequently the higher its βgo estimate.
Groups with different goals will value different properties in objects, which in turn will affect the relative likelihood with which various objects are selected. The model therefore identifies subgroups that require separate βo estimates. An object o that is ideal for the goal of group g will often be selected by the members of g, resulting in a high βgo estimate. The same object might be anything but ideal to satisfy the goal of a different group g’. As o will then not be selected by the members of g’ the estimate of βg′o will be low. That is, contrary to the single dimension of object variation in our initial hypothetical example, there now are several dimensions, one for each of the identified groups.
Individuals who share a similar goal may still differ regarding the number of objects that make up their selection, depending on the cut-offs for inclusion (or standards) they impose on the ideal that is relevant with regard to their goal. They may select a large or small number of objects, depending on whether they require objects to possess the ideal property to a small or to a large extent, respectively. Above, we identified the latent dimension with the ideal and the positions of objects along the dimension with their idealness. In a similar vein, individuals are awarded a position along the dimension, indicating the idealness they require objects to display in order to be selected. In Equation (1) θi indicates the position of individual i along the dimension for the group the individual is placed in. With the positions of the objects fixed for all individuals that belong to the same group, high θi estimates (i.e., high standards) correspond to small selections, while low θi estimates (i.e., low standards) correspond to large selections.
In a sense, θi acts as a threshold, separating objects that are sufficiently able to fulfill individual i’s goal from those that are not. However, it does not do so in a rigid manner. Rather, in Equation (1) a selection decision is considered the outcome of a Bernoulli trial, with the likelihood of selection increasing with the extent an object surpasses the standard θi and decreasing the more an object falls short of it. Hence, an object to the right of the standard is not necessarily selected, nor does an object to the left of the standard necessarily remain unselected. It is the case, however, that an object is more likely to be selected than not when it is positioned to the right of the standard. The reverse holds for objects that are positioned to the left of the standard. That is, across respondents the probability of selection increases from left to right. The probabilistic nature of the decisions accommodates the issue of the imperfect Guttman patterns, in that it allows deviations for individual respondents to occur.
A separate αg for each group determines the shape of the response function that relates the unbounded extent to which an object surpasses/falls short of the standard (βgo−θi) to the probability of selection (bounded between 0 and 1). Unlike the βgo’s and the θi’s, the αg’s in Equation (1) can only take on positive values.
To demonstrate the merits of the formal framework we will apply it to selection data for 10 ad hoc and goal-derived categories. Although it has been acknowledged that there might exist individual differences with respect to the goals that underlie these categories (e.g., Barsalou [1991]), this has not been empirically demonstrated. Therefore, these categories make for an interesting test case. An analysis of the selection data with the model in Equation (1) can elegantly test whether individual differences in goals exist, by examining whether more than one subgroup of respondents is identified.
In addition to determining the number of groups, we will try to infer the contents of the corresponding ideals. The model infers ideals from the selection data by awarding objects a position on one or more dimensions (depending on the number of groups that are retained). We will compare these βo’s to independently obtained measures of idealness (i.e., judgments of the extent to which the objects satisfy a number of ideals that were generated for the category). Earlier studies have found that the representativeness of instances of ad hoc and goal-derived categories increases with idealness (e.g., Barsalou [1985], Voorspoels et al. [2013]). These studies treated all respondents alike, however, without regard to possible individual differences. We will investigate whether this relationship also holds in subgroups of respondents that are identified from the data.
Categories and candidate objects were taken from Voorspoels et al. [2010]b. They had 80 undergraduate students generate instances of 10 different ad hoc and goal-derived categories as part of a course requirement. For each category, 20 or 25 instances were selected for further study, spanning the range of generation frequency for that category. Eight categories included 20 objects each (things to put in your car, things you rescue from a burning house, things you use to bake an apple pie, things you take to the beach, means of transport between Brussels and London, properties and actions that make you win the election, weapons used for hunting, tools used when gardening) and two categories included 25 each (things not to eat/drink when on a diet and wedding gifts). Categories and objects are listed in the Supplemental Materials. Throughout the text, we will employ an italic typeface to denote categories and an italic capital typeface to denote objects.
The ideals were taken from Voorspoels et al. [2013]. They had 25 undergraduate students participate in an ideal generation task for course credit. Each participant received a booklet containing a short introduction and instructions to the task. For each of the 10 categories they were asked to generate characteristics or qualities that members ideally display. (Only the category descriptions were presented. No actual members were shown.) Participants could write down up to seven characteristics for each category. Voorspoels et al. [2013] considered ideals that were generated more than three times for inclusion in an idealness judgment task (see below). The resulting number of ideals per category ranged from 3 to 13 (M=6). They are listed in the Supplemental Materials. Throughout the text ideals will be printed between triangular brackets in an italic typeface.
The idealness judgments were taken from Voorspoels et al. [2013] as well. The degree to which the objects in each category display an ideal property was indicated by 216 undergraduate students in return for course credit. Each participant judged the idealness of each object in an object set relative to one ideal for five categories (a different ideal for each category), yielding 15 participant judgments for each ideal. Participants were instructed to indicate on a 7-point Likert scale to what extent each object (i.e., the instances of the category for which the ideal was generated) possessed the quality. The estimated reliability of the judgments ranged from .71 to .98, with an average of .89. The judgments were averaged across participants and standardized using z-scores, resulting in a single score for each object on each relevant ideal.
The selection data were obtained for the purpose of this study. Two hundred and fifty-four undergraduate students participated as part of a course requirement. They were asked to carefully read through the object set for each category and to select from the set the objects they considered to belong to the category. It was emphasized that there were no right or wrong answers, but that we were interested in their personal opinions. Four different orders of category administration were combined with two different orders of object administration, resulting in eight different forms. These were randomly distributed among participants.
We present our findings in two sections. First, we will provide details concerning the model-based analyses. This section comprises inferences regarding the number of latent groups in the participant sample, and the quality of data fit the model achieves. Both aspects are evaluated solely on the basis of the object selection data. Second, we will go a step further and evaluate whether the model provides solutions that are interpretable, that is to say, whether the dimensions of object variation that the model reveals can be related to actual ideals that people conceive of in the particular contexts under consideration.
Each category’s selection data were analyzed separately using the
model in Equation (1). For every category solutions with
1, 2, 3, 4, and 5 latent subgroups were obtained. This was done using
WinBUGS (Lunn et al. [2000]) following the
procedures for the Bayesian estimation of mixture IRT models that were
outlined by Li et al. [2009]. (See Appendix A for WinBUGS
example code.) We followed Cho et al. [2013] in our
specification of the priors for the model parameters:
αg∼ Normal(0,1) and αg>0, g=1,…,G |
βgo∼ Normal(0,1), g=1,…,G, o=1,...,O |
θi| zi=g∼ Normal(µg,1), i=1,…,I, g=1,…,G |
µg∼ Normal(0,1), g=1,…,G |
(π1,...,πG)∼ Dirichlet(.5,...,.5) |
zi∼ Categorical(π1,...,πG), i=1,…,I |
with G the number of latent groups (1 to 5), O the number of candidate objects (20 or 25, depending on the category) and I the number of individuals (254 for each category). µg is the mean group standard of group g. zi is the latent variable that does the group assignment. Normal priors were chosen for the distributions of βgo and θi because this has been found to improve the stability of the estimation process (Cho et al. [2013]). Latent group membership was parameterized as a multinomially distributed random variable with πg reflecting the probability of membership in subgroup g. Both a Dirichlet prior and a Dirichlet process with stick-breaking prior have been described as priors for the membership probabilities. In a series of simulations Cho et al. [2013] have established that the latter choice is not substantial. We ran 3 chains of 10,000 samples each, with a burn-in of 4,000 samples. The chains were checked for convergence and label switching. All reported values are posterior means, except for group membership which is based on the posterior mode of zi.
To determine the suitable number of latent groups we relied on the Bayesian Information Criterion (BIC, Schwarz [1978]) because of extensive simulations by Li et al. [2009] that showed that the BIC outperforms the AIC, the DIC, the pseudo-Bayes factor, and posterior predictive model checks in terms of selecting the generating mixture IRT model. (See Appendix B for additional simulations.) The BIC provides an indication of the balance between goodness-of-fit and model complexity for every solution. The solution to be preferred is that with the lowest BIC. In accordance with the procedure described by Li et al. [2009] every αg, βgo, and µg was counted as a parameter, along with all but one πg (because the different πg sum to 1). This means that the number of parameters that enter the BIC equals G×(O+3)−1.
Table 1: BIC values for five partitions of the selection data.
BIC Category 1 group 2 groups 3 groups 4 groups 5 groupscar trinkets 3868 3861 3862 3976 4099burning house 3981 3790 3882 4007 4133diet ruiners 3762 3295 3440 3591 3743wedding gifts 5971 5532 5375 5395 5485pie necessities 3903 4013 4139 4265 4391beach trinkets 2678 2785 2906 3014 3154means of transport 4297 3909 3932 4047 4166election strategies 2636 2690 2766 2868 2984hunting weapons 4532 4425 4431 4537 4656gardening tools 3314 3409 3381 3494 3600
Table 1 holds for every category five BIC values, corresponding to five partitions of increasing complexity. For each category the lowest BIC is set in bold typeface. There were four categories for which the BIC indicated that a one-group solution was to be preferred. This was the case for things you use to bake an apple pie, things you take to the beach, properties and actions that make you win the election and tools used when gardening. For these categories the solution that provided the best account of the selection data (taking into account both fit and complexity) involved the extraction of a single set of βo estimates for all 254 respondents. Any individual selection differences were accounted for in terms of differences in θi estimates.
For the remainder of the categories the BIC indicated that multiple groups were to be discerned among the respondents. In the case of things to put in your car, things you rescue from a burning house, things not to eat/drink when on a diet, means of transport between Brussels and London, and weapons used for hunting the BIC suggested there were two such groups. In the case of wedding gifts the BIC suggested there were three. The individual selection differences in these categories could not be accounted for merely by different θi estimates. They also required the extraction of multiple sets of βo estimates, one for each subgroup that was discerned. Whenever multiple sets of βo estimates were required to account for the selection data, this constituted evidence that respondents employed different choice criteria.
The BIC is a relative measure of fit. For a given data set it indicates which model from of a set of candidate models is to be preferred. The BIC is not an absolute measure of fit, however. It does not indicate whether the preferred model adequately describes the data it was fitted to. We used the posterior predictive distribution to see whether this was the case. The posterior predictive distribution represents the relative probability of different observable outcomes after the model has been fitted to the data. It allows us to assess whether the solutions the BIC prefers fit the selection data in absolute terms.
First, we consider the categories for which the BIC revealed only one group. As an illustrative case, Figure 1 depicts the data and posterior predictive distributions for the things you use to bake an apple pie category. For every object it contains a filled gray square, representing the proportion of respondents who selected it. The objects are ordered along the horizontal axis in increasing order of selection to facilitate inspection. Object 1 (MICROWAVE) is the object that was least selected: less than 20% of respondents chose to include it in the category. Object 20 (BAKING TIN) is the object that was most selected: all respondents except one chose to include it. The remaining objects are in between in terms of selection proportion. Object 2 (LADLE), for instance, was chosen by about half of the respondents. Object 3 (FOOD PROCESSOR) was chosen somewhat more often, etc. Figure 1 also contains for every object outlines of squares, representing the posterior predictive distribution for the corresponding selection probability. The size of the squares’ outlines is proportional to the posterior mass that was given to the various selection probabilities.
The posterior predictive distributions indicate that the one-group model provided a decent fit to the selection data. The distributions are centered on the objects’ selection proportions and drop off pretty quickly from there. In this manner, they capture the relative selection differences that exist between the objects: The posterior predictive distributions follow the rising pattern that the empirical data show.1 A similar pattern was observed for the other one-group categories.
Figure 1: Posterior predictive distribution of the one-group model for the things you use to bake an apple pie selection data. Filled gray squares show per object the proportion of respondents who selected it for inclusion in the category. Objects are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the proportion of selection. Outlines of squares represent the posterior predictive distribution of selection decisions. The size of these outlines is proportional to the posterior mass that is given to the various selection probabilities. ![]()
We now turn to the categories for which the framework identified two or more latent participant groups. The results for the meanwhile familiar category of things you rescue from a burning house provide an exemplary case. The BIC indicated that a two-groups solution was to be preferred for this category.
In Figure 2 the category’s 20 candidate objects are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the selection proportion in the larger of the two groups.2 For each object a filled gray square represents the proportion of respondents from the dominant group who selected it for inclusion in the category. A filled black circle represents for each object the proportion of respondents from the smaller group who selected it for inclusion. The two panels in Figure 2 are identical with respect to these data. Whether an object was likely to be selected or not, depends on the subgroup. Objects 12 (LETTERS), 17 (PICTURES), and 18 (HEIRLOOMS), for instance, were selected more often by members of the dominant group (gray squares) than they were by members of the smaller group (black circles). The reverse holds for objects 7 (CLOTHING), 13 (CAR KEYS), and 15 (CELLULAR PHONE). These selection differences support the division the BIC suggested.
Figure 2: Posterior predictive distribution of the one-group model (upper panel) and the two-groups model (lower panel) for the things you rescue from a burning house selection data. Filled gray squares show per object the proportion of respondents from the larger group who selected it for inclusion in the category. Filled black circles show per object the proportion of respondents from the smaller group who selected it for inclusion in the category. Objects are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the proportion of selection in the larger group. Outlines of squares and circles represent the posterior predictive distributions of selection decisions for the larger and smaller group, respectively. The size of these outlines is proportional to the posterior mass that is given to the various selection probabilities. ![]()
The upper panel in Figure 2 shows the posterior predictive distributions of selection probabilities that result from the one-group model. The lower panel shows the posterior predictive distributions that result from the two-groups model. For every object the panels include a separate distribution for each subgroup (square outlines for the larger group; circular outlines for the smaller group). The size of the plot symbols is proportional to the posterior mass given to the various selection probabilities.
Contrary to the one-group model, the two-groups model can yield different model predictions due to separate βo estimates for each group. In the lower panel of Figure 2 the posterior predictive distributions for the two groups are quite different when this is required. In the case of object 15 (CELLULAR PHONE), for instance, a positive selection response is predicted for members of the smaller group, while the members of the dominant group are deemed undecided with the posterior predictive distribution centering on .50. The posterior predictive distributions that are due to the two-groups model (lower panel) are clearly different for the two groups, while the posterior predictive distributions that are due to the one-group model (upper panel) are not. Figure 2 thus shows that for things you rescue from a burning house the two-groups model provides a better fit to the selection data than the one-group model does and that its extra complexity is justified.
The results for the things you rescue from a burning house category are representative for things not to eat/drink when on a diet, weapons used for hunting and means of transport between Brussels and London. The respondents fall into distinct groups, whose members employ different choice criteria. That is, between groups different objects are likely to be selected for inclusion in the category. The model is able to account for these differences by extracting a separate set of βo estimates for every group. Within each group, the individuals use the same choice criteria. That is, by combining different θi estimates with a single set of βo estimates for the individuals within a group, the model is able to account for the subgroup’s selection data. The categories things to put in your car and wedding gifts are different in this respect. They warrant a separate treatment.
The BIC indicated that for things to put in your car two-groups were to be discerned among the respondents. Figure 3 presents the corresponding selection proportions in a similar manner as Figure 2 did. Both panels contain for every object a gray square that represents the proportion of respondents from the dominant group who selected the object and a black circle that represents the proportion of respondents from the small group who selected it. As before, objects are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the selection proportion in the dominant group. This allows for the identification of objects that were not as likely to be selected in one group as they were in the other. Object 1 (DECK OF CARDS), for instance, was hardly selected by members of the dominant group, but selected by the majority of the smaller group members. Selection differences like these again support the division the BIC suggested.
The inter-object selection proportions are pronounced in the dominant group. The selection proportions start off small for objects like DECK OF CARDS (object 1) for which the majority in the dominant group agrees that they are not generally kept in cars. They then gradually increase until high selection proportions are attained for an object like PARKING DISC (object 20), which almost everyone keeps in his or her car. The corresponding posterior predictive distributions closely resemble those we saw in Figure 1 for things you use to bake an apple pie and the lower panel of Figure 2 for things you rescue from a burning house: The distributions follow the rising pattern that the empirical data show, centered as they are on the objects’ selection proportions and dropping off rapidly from there. This is true, both for the posterior predictive distributions that are due to the two-groups model and the ones that are due to the one-group model. The latter’s ability to account for the empirical data of the dominant group is not that surprising given that the dominant group comprises the vast majority of the respondents (91%) and as such counts heavily towards the estimation of the model.
While the two-groups model accounts well for the data of the dominant group, it does not appear to fit the data of the smaller group. The corresponding posterior predictive distributions are not centered on the empirical selection proportions, nor are they very specific. For the distributions that are due to the one-group model (upper panel), this lack of fit might be attributed to the model’s inability to account for pronounced between-group selection differences with a single set of βo estimates, but this is hardly an explanation for the two-groups model’s failure to fit the empirical data. After all, the two-groups model’s estimation is intimately tied to the identification of the two latent groups. The broad posterior predictive distributions that are due to the two-groups model indicate that the set of parameter estimates obtained for the smaller group does not allow for predictions that closely mirror the group’s selection data. The smaller group’s response patterns do not appear to carry sufficient information to allow accurate prediction, perhaps because there are few response patterns to go on (the smaller group is only comprised of 9% of the respondents), there is little variability in the response patterns (the objects’ selection proportions are almost invariably high), or the variability that is contained in the response patterns is not consistent (individuals decide to leave different objects out of the selection).
Whatever the reason may be, the result is a division of the respondents that entails the identification of one group of individuals who behave consistently (the dominant group) and that of a “rest” group of individuals who behave differently (the smaller group). The βo estimates for this smaller group do not allow one to specify what it means to be in this second group, besides not being in the first, dominant group. Indeed, the BIC indicated that it is beneficial (in terms of fit) to retain these individuals in a separate group, but the posterior predictive distributions indicate that the parameter estimates for that group are not a reliable source to characterize its members. All that can be said about the smaller group’s members is that their response patterns are so different from those of the dominant group that it is not tenable to assume they have the same origin. Note that the resulting division is still a sensible one, as it is better to discern the individuals that select objects in one way from those that do so differently (whatever that may mean) than to treat all of them (erroneously) as behaving the same way. (See Appendix B for a simulation study that supports this interpretation.)
Figure 3: Posterior predictive distribution of the one-group model (upper panel) and the two-groups model (lower panel) for the things to put in your car selection data. Filled gray squares show per object the proportion of respondents from the larger group who selected it for inclusion in the category. Filled black circles show per object the proportion of respondents from the smaller group who selected it for inclusion in the category. Items are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the proportion of selection in the larger group. Outlines of squares and circles represent the posterior predictive distributions of selection decisions for the larger and smaller group, respectively. The size of these outlines is proportional to the posterior mass that is given to the various selection probabilities. ![]()
A similar pattern was observed for wedding gifts: The BIC indicated that three sets of βo estimates were to be retained. The parameter estimates for the largest and the smallest group suffered from the same problem as the parameter estimates for the smaller group for the things to put in your car data did. They were not very informative when it comes to identifying the considerations that underlay the selection decisions of the individuals in those groups. That is, it is just not the case that the largest (smallest) and the intermediate group employed different choice criteria. The members of the largest (smallest) group did not employ the same choice criterion either, so there is no use in trying to determine it. This conclusion, of course, has implications for the analyses that follow. One should refrain from interpreting the uninformative estimates through regression analyses.
To attempt to infer which ideals were used by the respondents, we regressed the βgo estimates upon the various idealness judgments that were obtained for a category. The higher the estimate for an object is, the higher its likelihood of being included in the category. We therefore expect significant positive regression weights for the ideals that are driving the selection decisions. The use of regression analyses allows one to investigate whether more than one ideal drives the selection decisions. To keep the analyses in line with traditional correlational analyses, in which only the best ideal is determined, we opted for a forward selection procedure with a criterion of .05 to determine which ideals are included in the regression equation. This way the ideal with the highest correlation with the βgo estimates is always the first to be included (provided that it is a significant predictor of the βgo estimates).
In case a solution with multiple groups is retained for a category, one can turn to the relation of the respective βgo estimates with the idealness judgments to better understand how the subgroups differ from one another. If individuals select objects with extreme values on a relevant ideal in order to satisfy their goals, groups with different goals are likely to select objects that have extreme values on different ideals.
A separate regression analysis was conducted for all groups determined in the previous section, except for the smallest one for things to put in your car and the largest and the smallest one for wedding gifts. Inspection of the posterior predictive distributions for these groups indicated that the mean βgo estimates were not sufficiently reliable to establish conclusions on regarding the considerations that underlay the selection decisions of the individuals who comprise the groups (see above). Table 2 holds the results of the regression analyses. For every group it shows the R2 and the signs of the regression weights for ideals with a p-value less than .05. Ideals that did not contribute significantly are indicated by dots. The number of the ideals refers to their order in the Supplemental Materials. The first line in Table 2, for instance, conveys that five ideals were withheld for things to put in your car of which ideals 1 (<easy to store away>), 3 (<makes travel more agreeable>) and 4 (<small>) did not enter in the regression equation for the β1o estimates. The contribution of ideal 2 (<guarantees safety>) was significant and negative, while the contribution of ideal 5 (<useful>) was significant and positive.
Table 2: R2 and regression weights from the multiple regression analyses with forward selection procedure. The signs of the regression weights with a p-value less than .05 are displayed, others are replaced by a dot.
Ideal Category Group R2 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13car trinkets group 1 .84 . - . . +burning house group 1 .97 . + . . . . . . +burning house group 2 .80 . . . . . . + . .diet ruiners group 1 .93 . . + . .diet ruiners group 2 .86 . . - . .wedding gifts group 2 .54 . . + . . .pie necessities single .63 + . . .beach trinkets single .72 + + . + . .means of transport group 1 .85 . + . .means of transport group 2 .59 . . + .election strategies single .89 + . .hunting weapons group 1 .92 . - . . . + . . + . . . .hunting weapons group 2 .87 . . . . . + . . . . . . .gardening tools single .86 . + . . .
Table 2 shows that the externally obtained idealness judgments account very well for the relative probability with which objects are selected for inclusion in a category. Across the 14 groups retained for interpretation, the squared correlation between the βgo estimates and the best idealness judgments averaged .81.
For several categories more than one ideal was driving the selection decisions. This was the case for things to put in your car (group 1), things you rescue from a burning house (group 1), things you take to the beach, and weapons used for hunting (group 1). Yet, the contribution of ideals over and above the first dominant one, while statistically reliable, was generally rather small, and for the majority of groups only one ideal contributed significantly to the βgo estimates.
In two cases where multiple ideals entered the regression equation, one ideal contributed negatively (contrary to our expectations). For weapons used for hunting the regression analysis for the large group indicated that three ideals (<easy to take with you>, <light>, and <discreet>) yielded a significant contribution. We presume that <discreet> had a negative contribution because some weapons that are suited for hunting are difficult to conceal (e.g., SPEAR, β=1.32), while others that are less suited for hunting are easy to conceal (e.g., ALARM GUN, β=-1.11). In the regression analysis for things to put in your car both <useful> and <guarantees safety> were significant predictors. Here the negative contribution of <guarantees safety> probably reflects the fact that many objects we keep in our car do not benefit safety (e.g., COMPACT DISCS, β=1.30).
The results of the regression analyses support our assertion that, for the four categories with two groups, the criteria that supposedly governed the selection decisions differ from group to group. Either different ideals predicted the βo estimates of the different groups (<important> and <valuable> vs. <necessary> in the case of things you rescue from a burning house and <comfortable> vs. <fast> in the case of means of transport between Brussels and London). Or the regression analyses identified ideals that contributed to one set of βo estimates, but not to the other (<light> and <discreet> in the case of weapons used for hunting). Or the βo estimates of the different groups related to the same ideal in opposing directions. This was the case for the <many calories> ideal in the things not to eat/drink when on a diet category.3
This paper started with a quote that was taken from theburninghouse.com. It described a number of intuitions regarding the decision which objects to save from one’s burning house. The intuitions were intended to account for the diversity of objects in the pictures that respondents uploaded to the website of the belongings they would save. These intuitions were found to hold across a variety of other ad hoc and goal-derived categories: (iii) The selection decisions revealed information about the participants in the shape of the ideals they used when making their choices. (ii) We established considerable individual differences, both in the employed ideals and the required idealness. (i) Across different groups, but also within a single group, multiple considerations informed the selection decisions. We discuss these findings below.
Goal-derived and ad hoc categories have vague boundaries. Barsalou [1983] already pointed to this when he observed that respondents do not agree about the objects that are to be considered members of a particular ad hoc category. The current results establish that it is unfortunate to denote divergences from the majority opinion as inaccuracies, as is habitually done (e.g., Hough et al. [1997], Sandberg et al. [2012], Sebastian and Kiran [2007]). Rather, these individual differences can be taken to reflect differences of opinion as to which objects meet goal-relative criteria.
In some categories, these individual differences are best explained by assuming that all respondents share the same goal but differ in the standard they impose for inclusion (see also Barsalou [1985], Barsalou [1991], Graff [2000]). That is, although they agree on the properties that objects preferably have (i.e., the ideal), they disagree about the extent to which objects have to display these properties (i.e., the idealness) to be included. For these categories a single dimension of object variation was retained for the entire group of respondents. The only individual differences required to account for the selection differences were differences in θi, the cut-off for inclusion that is imposed on this dimension. The positions of the objects along the single dimension of object variation (i.e., the βo estimates) could reliably be related to (external) idealness judgments (see also Barsalou [1985], Lynch et al. [2000], Voorspoels et al. [2013]).
In other categories, a proper account of the individual differences requires one to abandon the assumption that all respondents share the same goal. Rather, one needs to recognize that there exist subgroups of respondents with different goals. Within each of these subgroups, respondents are still thought to differ with regard to the standard they impose for inclusion. As before, this standard is goal-relative: It pertains to an ideal that serves a particular goal. The contents of the ideal, then, is no longer the same for two individuals when they belong to separate subgroups. In order to account for the selection differences that were observed for these categories, both individual differences in βo and θi were required. One dimension of object variation (i.e., a set of βo estimates) was retained for each subgroup of respondents. For every individual one θi estimate was determined, indicating the cut-off for inclusion s/he imposed on one of these dimensions (depending on the subgroup the individual belongs to).
The results of the regression analyses suggested that different criteria governed the selection of objects in the subgroups of respondents identified by the model. Either the βo estimates of the different groups related to the same ideal in opposing directions; or different ideals correlated with the βo estimates of the different groups; or the regression analyses identified ideals that contributed to one set of βo estimates, but not to the other. Note that the finding that sometimes multiple ideals predicted a group’s βo estimates should not be mistaken for a source of individual differences. The model analysis identified the members of the group as using the same criteria when selecting objects. A regression analysis deeming multiple ideals significant hence suggests that all respondents within that group consider all these ideals when selecting objects.
Other predictors of ad hoc and goal-derived category membership than ideals have been considered in the past (Barsalou [1985], Voorspoels et al. [2013]). We did not include familiarity as a predictor because Barsalou already discarded the variable as a predictor in his seminal 1985 paper. We did not consider central tendency because both Barsalou [1985] and Voorspoels et al. [2013] discarded the variable in favor of ideals. Frequency of instantiation was not included as a predictor because this was the variable that informed the inclusion of candidate objects for study. Barsalou [1991], Barsalou [2003], Barsalou [2010] has noted that when instances of a previously uninstantiated category have to be generated, there are yet other considerations that need to be monitored. Not just any object makes for a genuine instantiation of the category things you rescue from a burning house. Credible instances have to meet particular constraints that reflect everyday knowledge about the world. For this particular category, the objects are to be generally found in houses and should be movable, for instance. Our analyses of the selection data could not pick up these kinds of considerations as all the candidate objects in the selection task came from an exemplar generation task and therefore already adhered to the necessary constraints.
The premise of this paper is that object selection carries information about the selection criteria that decision makers use. Assuming that most selection criteria are not idiosyncratic, but shared by several individuals, the relative frequency with which particular objects are selected can be used to uncover the common criteria. An object’s selection frequency is likely to reflect the extent to which the object meets the choice criteria, with objects being selected more frequently, the better they meet the choice criteria. From the identification of the selection criteria, it tends to be a small step to the identification of the end states individuals may have been aiming for. For instance, if one observes an individual saving mostly pricey objects from a house that is on fire, the inference that this person’s main goal is to minimize financial losses tends to be justified.
The challenge lies in the identification of individuals who use the same criterion. A particular object might meet one criterion, but not another. The above rationale will thus break down when individuals employ different criteria, because the resulting selection frequencies will reflect a mixture of criteria. The (common) criterion one might infer from such an unreliable source, might not be employed by any of the individuals making the selection decisions. One should exercise care not to discard important individual differences in favor of a nonsensical solution.
To this end we offered a treatment of individual differences in selection data that allows us to infer the criteria that underlay the selection decisions. It recognizes individual differences, both in the criteria and in the extent to which objects are required to meet them. Its usefulness was demonstrated in the context of 10 ad hoc and goal-derived categories. It accounted well for the selection differences that were found for these categories; it allowed for the identification of individuals who used different criteria; and the contents of these criteria could be substantiated. This suggests that our contention about the two kinds of individual differences is a viable one.
The distinction between within-group (standard) differences and between-group (criteria) differences has been made in several different contexts (e.g., Bonnefon et al. [2008], Lee and Wetzels [2010],Zeigenfuse and Lee [2009]). It is tempting to think of this distinction as one involving continuous (quantitative) versus discrete (qualitative) individual differences. However, if one is willing to assume that all potential criteria are originally available to individuals and the groups merely differ regarding the criteria they do not attend or consider important, the between-group differences may also be considered continuous. The situation could then be conceived of as a distribution of positive and zero weights across employed versus unattended or irrelevant criteria, respectively (see Verheyen and Storms [2013], for a discussion). The problem of distinguishing continuous (quantitative) and discrete (qualitative) differences echoes the debate in the decision making literature on the ability to discriminate between single-process and multiple-strategy models (Newell [2005], Newell and Bröder [2008]).
Irrespective of how the debate will be resolved, the two kinds of individual differences can offer a fresh perspective on research that attempts to relate external information about individuals to their decision making. Examples pertain to the effects of personality (Dewberry et al. [2013], Hilbig [2008]), affective state (Hu et al. [2014], Scheibehenne and von Helversen [2015], Shevchenko et al. [2014]), intelligence (Bröder [2003], Bröder and Newell [2008], Mata et al. [2007]) and expertise (Garcia-Retamero and Dhami [2009], Pachur and Marinello [2013]). It would be straightforward to relate variables like these to criteria use (group membership) and/or standard use (see Maij-de Meij et al. [2008], Van den Noortgate and Paek [2004], and Verheyen et al. [2011a], for demonstrations). Alternatively, one could consider selection decisions in various circumstances (e.g., Slovic [1995]) or at various times (Hoeffler and Ariely [1999], Simon et al. [2008]) and look for (in)consistencies in criteria and/or standard use across them (see Tuerlinckx et al. [2014], and Verheyen et al. [2010], for demonstrations).
We believe the above examples testify to the potential of mixture IRT models to answer substantial questions in a variety of judgment and decision making contexts, particularly in those such as multi-attribute decision making, where individual differences are likely to exist in the sources of information that inform decisions. We have presented one particular mixture IRT model. The class of mixture IRT models includes many more, some of which can incorporate guesses (Li et al. [2009]) or can accommodate continuous outcome measures (Maij-de Meij et al. [2008], Von Davier and Yamamoto [2004]) to give just a few possibilities. The applications are thus by no means limited to the choice situations that we have treated here. Mixture IRT models add to the mixture models that are already available in the decision making literature (Lee [2014], Lee and Newell [2011], Scheibehenne et al. [2013], Van Ravenzwaaij et al. [2014]). An important difference with the existing models is that the mixture IRT models do not require one to confine the set of decision criteria beforehand, but rather uncover them as latent sources of individual differences. Selection between models with various numbers of inferred criteria then offers a natural way of dealing with the question of how many criteria comprise the set of actual alternatives (Glöckner and Betsch [2011], Marewski and Schooler [2011], Scheibehenne et al. [2013]). The main challenge for mixture IRT applications may lie in the (post hoc) interpretation of the established latent criteria (but note that a priori candidate interpretations can be made part of the modeling endeavour and tested for suitability; see Janssen et al. [2004], and Verheyen et al. [2011]b).
In this paper we have demonstrated how one can infer from selection decisions the considerations that preceded them. We have shown how, from the choice for a specific set of objects, one can infer something about the purposes and desires of the individuals making the choices. We have learned that, despite pronounced selection differences, individuals tend not to be so different after all. The goals they pursue with their choices are generally shared by many others. Perhaps most importantly, we think that even more can be learned if the proposed approach to individual selection differences is combined with other sources of information about the individuals and is applied in other choice or judgment situations as well.
Ahn and Lassaline [Ahn, W., Lassaline, M.E., 1995. Causal structure in categorization.Proceedings of the Seventeenth Annual Conference of the Cognitive Science Society, Pittsburgh,PA, pp. 521-526] recently proposed a causal status hypothesis which states thatfeatures that play a causal role in a relational structure are more central than their effects.This hypothesis can account for previous research demonstrating that compositional featuresare generally important for natural kinds but functional features are generally important forartifacts. The causal status hypothesis explains this category-feature interaction effect in termsof differences in the causal status of compositional and functional features between naturalkinds and artifacts. Experiments 1 and 2 examined real-life categories used in previousstudies, and found positive correlations between the causal status of the features and theircentrality across natural and artifactual kinds. Experiments 3 and 4 manipulated the causalstatus of compositional and functional features in artificial categories, and showed that it wascausal status rather than the interaction between the type of feature and the type of categoryper se that accounted for feature centrality. The implications of these results on the distinctionsbetween natural kinds and artifacts are discussed.
Keywords: Feature Centrality
In four experiments, the question of how the causal structure of features affects the creation of new categories was examined. Features of exemplars to be sorted were related in a single causal chain (causal chain), were caused by the same factor (common cause), or caused the same effect (common effect). The results showed that people are more likely to rely on common-cause or common-effect background knowledge than on causal-chain background knowledge in category construction. Such preferences suggest that the common-cause or the common-effect structures are considered more natural conceptual structures
Keywords: Adult, Attention, Concept Formation, Female, Human, Knowledge, Male, Problem Solving, Serial Learning, Support,U.S.Gov't,Non-P.H.S., Support,U.S.Gov't,P.H.S.
The current study examined the causal status effect (weighing cause features more than effect features in categorization) in children. Adults (Study 1) and 7-9-year-old children (Study 2) learned descriptions of novel animals, in which one feature caused two other features. When asked to determine which transfer item was more likely to be an example of the animal they had learned, both adults and children preferred an animal with a cause feature and an effect feature rather than an animal with two effect features. This study is the first direct demonstration of the causal status effect in children
Keywords: Adult, Association Learning, Child, Concept Formation, Causal status effect
Keywords: Adult, Child, Essentialism
Traditional approaches to causal attribution propose that information about covariation of factors is used to identify causes of events. In contrast, we present a series of studies showing that people seek out and prefer information about causal mechanisms rather than information about covariation. Experiments 1, 2 and 3 asked subjects to indicate the kind of information they would need for causal attribution. The subjects tended to seek out information that would provide evidence for or against hypotheses about underlying mechanisms. When asked to provide causes, the subjects' descriptions were also based on causal mechanisms. In Experiment 4, subjects received pieces of conflicting evidence matching in covariation values but differing in whether the evidence included some statement of a mechanism. The influence of evidence was significantly stronger when it included mechanism information. We conclude that people do not treat the task of causal attribution as one of identifying a novel causal relationship between arbitrary factors by relying solely on covariation information. Rather, people attempt to seek out causal mechanisms in developing a causal explanation for a specific event
Keywords: Explanation
One of the major problems in categorization research is the lack of systematic ways of constraining feature weights. We propose one method of operationalizing feature centrality, a causal status hypothesis which states that a cause feature is judged to be more central than its effect feature in categorization. In Experiment 1, participants learned a novel category with three characteristic features that were causally related into a single causal chain and judged the likelihood that new objects belong to the category. Likelihood ratings for items missing the most fundamental cause were lower than those for items missing the intermediate cause, which in turn were lower than those for items missing the terminal effect. The causal status effect was also obtained in goodness-of-exemplar judgments (Experiment 2) and in free-sorting tasks (Experiment 3), but it was weaker in similarity judgments than in categorization judgments (Experiment 4). Experiment 5 shows that the size of the causal status effect is moderated by plausibility of causal relations, and Experiment 6 shows that effect features can be useful in retrieving information about unknown causes. We discuss the scope of the causal status effect and its implications for categorization research
Keywords: Adult, Categorisation, Feature Centrality, Feature Weights
(from the chapter) This chapter discusses why some features of concepts are more central than others. The authors begin with a review of possible determinants of feature centrality, then focus on one important determinant, the effects of causal background knowledge on feature centrality. The different approaches to understanding feature centrality (content-based, statistical, and theory-based) are addressed, then a general introduction is made to the Causal Status hypothesis. The authors present their rationale for predicting the causal status effect and empirical results supporting the hypothesis under various contexts. They describe previous categorization studies that can be accounted for by this hypothesis, and discuss moderating factors for the effect. Finally, they examine the potential consequences of focusing only on causal relations among features in study the effect of lay theories on feature centrality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Causal Analysis, *Classification (Cognitive Process), causal relations: feature centrality: categorization: causal status hypothesis: essentialism, Causal status effect, CENTRALITY, Cognitive Processes [2340]., Concepts, Feature Centrality, Hypothesis, Knowledge, Psychological Theories, PSYCHOLOGY, Psychology: Professional & Research., RESEARCH, Theory-based
In the present study, we examine what types of feature correlations are salient in our conceptual representations. It was hypothesized that of all possible feature pairs, those that are explicitly recognized as correlated (i.e., explicit pairs) and affect typicality judgments are the ones that are more likely theory based than are those that are not explicitly recognized (i.e., implicit pairs). Real-world categories and their properties, taken from Malt and Smith (1984), were examined. We found that explicit pairs had a greater number of asymmetric dependency relations (i.e., one feature depends on the other feature, but not vice versa) and stronger dependency relations than did implicit pairs, which were statistically correlated in the environment but were not recognized as such. In addition, people more often provided specific relation labels for explicit pairs than for implicit pairs; these labels were most often causal relations. Finally, typicality judgments were more affected when explicit correlations were broken than when implicit correlations were broken. It is concluded that in natural categories, feature correlations that are explicitly represented and affect typicality judgments are the ones about which people have theories
Keywords: Adult, Theory-based, typicality judgments
Meehl (1973) has informally observed that clinicians will perceive a patient as being more normal if they can understand the patient's behaviors. In Experiment 1, undergraduate participants received descriptions of 10 people, each with three characteristics (e.g., frequently suffers from insomnia) taken from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (American Psychiatric Association, 1994). When the characteristics formed a plausible causal chain, adding a causal explanation increased perceived normality; but when a causal chain was implausible, perceived normality decreased. In Experiments 2 and 3, a negative life event (e.g., is very stressed out due to her workload) was added as an explanation for the first characteristic in a three-characteristic causal chain. Undergraduates, graduate students in clinical psychology, and expert clinicians all reliably perceived the patients as being more normal with these explanations than without them, confirming Meehl's prediction
Keywords: Cognition, Human, Life Change Events, Social Behavior, Social Perception
Many psychological studies of categorization and reasoning use undergraduates to make claims about human conceptualization. Generalizability of findings to other populations is often assumed but rarely tested. Even when comparative studies are conducted, it may be challenging to interpret differences. As a partial remedy, in the present studies we adopt a 'triangulation strategy' to evaluate the ways expertise and culturally different belief systems can lead to different ways of conceptualizing the biological world. We use three groups (US bird experts, US undergraduates, and ordinary Itza' Maya) and two sets of birds (North American and Central American). Categorization tasks show considerable similarity among the three groups' taxonomic sorts, but also systematic differences. Notably, US expert categorization is more similar to Itza' than to US novice categorization. The differences are magnified on inductive reasoning tasks where only undergraduates show patterns of judgment that are largely consistent with current models of category-based taxonomic inference. The Maya commonly employ causal and ecological reasoning rather than taxonomic reasoning. Experts use a mixture of strategies (including causal and ecological reasoning), only some of which current models explain. US and Itza' informants differed markedly when reasoning about passerines (songbirds), reflecting the somewhat different role that songbirds play in the two cultures. The results call into question the importance of similarity-based notions of typicality and central tendency in natural categorization and reasoning. These findings also show that relative expertise leads to a convergence of thought that transcends cultural boundaries and shared experiences
Keywords: Human, Inference, Judgment
We investigate the problem of how nonnatural entities are represented by examining university students' concepts of God, both professed theological beliefs and concepts used in comprehension of narratives. In three story processing tasks, subjects often used an anthropomorphic God concept that is inconsistent with stated theological beliefs; and drastically distorted the narratives without any awareness of doing so. By heightening subjects' awareness of their theological beliefs, we were able to manipulate the degree of anthropomorphization. This tendency to anthropomorphize may be generalizable to other agents. God (and possibly other agents) is unintentionally anthropomorphized in some contexts, perhaps as a means of representing poorly understood nonnatural entities
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: Concepts
The structural-alignment approach to similarity posits a principled distinction between object attributes and relations between objects. We examined whether this assumption holds for nonarbitrary combinations of interrelated objects. Subjects judged similarity between simple statements in which the nouns (denoting attributes) and verbs (denoting relations) were semantically interdependent. We found that semantic dependencies affected similarity judgments both by inducing inferences about the abstract combined meaning of the statements and by changing the process by which subjects arrived at their judgments. When the paired statements had matching verbs (e.g., "The carpenter fixed the chair" and "The electrician fixed the radio"), subjectscomparedthe combined meanings of the statements (e.g., "Similar because both are professionals doing their job"). These results are consistent with the logic of structural alignment. However, when the paired statements had matching nouns (e.g., "The carpenter fixed the chair" and "The carpenter sat on the chair"), very often subjectsintegratedthe combined meanings of the statements (e.g., "Similar because he sat on the chair to see whether he fixed it well"). These results defy every existing account of similarity. We discuss the prevalence and systematicity of such processing replacements and the need for incorporating them into similarity-based accounts of cognition
Keywords: Cognition, Inference, Judgment, Logic, Meaning
These studies suggest categorical perception effects may be much more general than has commonly been believed and can occur in apparently similar ways at dramatically different levels of processing. To test the nature of individual face representations, a linear continuum of "morphed" faces was generated between individual exemplars of familiar faces. In separate categorization, discrimination and "better-likeness" tasks, subjects viewed pairs of faces from these continua. Subjects discriminate most accurately when face-pairs straddle apparent category boundaries; thus individual faces are perceived categorically. A high correlation is found between the familiarity of a face-pair and the magnitude of the categorization effect. Categorical perception therefore is not limited to low-level perceptual continua, but can occur at higher levels and may be acquired through experience as well
Keywords: Perception
Keywords: BEHAVIORISM, EPISTEMOLOGY, MIND, PHYSICALISM, PSYCHOLOGY, STATE
Keywords: Concepts, Essentialism
Keywords: EXPLANATION
(from the chapter) In examining explanations as used by scientists and by children, this chapter provides a psychological account of the nature of explanation and the criteria people use to evaluate the quality of explanations. The authors first discuss explanation in everyday and scientific use, then analyze the criteria used by nonscientists and scientists to evaluate explanations, describing the types of explanations commonly used by nonscientists and scientists. Finally, the authors use the framework they have developed to discuss the development of explanation in children. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Interpersonal Communication, *Reasoning, *Scientific Communication, *Scientists, Adulthood (18 yrs & older), Childhood (birth-12 yrs), Cognition, Explanation, Human, psychological account of nature & quality of explanations as used by scientists & children in everyday & scientific use, PSYCHOLOGY, Psychology: Professional & Research., Social Psychology [3000]; Cognitive Processes [2340].
(from the journal abstract) Because causal relations are neither observable nor deducible, they must be induced from observable events. The 2 dominant approaches to the psychology of causal induction--the covariation approach and the causal power approach--are each crippled by fundamental problems. This article proposes an integration of these approaches that overcomes these problems. The proposal is that reasoners innately treat the relation between covariation (a function defined in terms of observable events) and causal power (an unobservable entity) as that between scientists' law or model and their theory explaining the model. This solution is formalized in the power PC theory, a causal power theory of the probabilistic contrast model (P. W. Cheng & L. R. Novick, 1990). The article reviews diverse old and new empirical tests discriminating this theory from previous models, none of which is justified by a theory. The results uniquely support the power PC theory. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Analysis of Covariance, *Causal Analysis, *Theories, Causation, Human, integration of covariation & causation in causal power theory, Models, Power, probabilistic contrast model, PSYCHOLOGY, Statistics & Mathematics [2240].
(from the chapter) illustrated the top-down influence of superordinate causal knowledge / even when conditional contrasts cannot be computed, people are able to make a systematic distinction between a genuine cause and a spurious cause / according to the power view, a statistical relevance relation is judged as causal if one knows of an underlying power or mechanism / proposed that an underlying power means a causal relation that implies a relevance relation at a more abstract level than the target relevance relation; when the target relation is consistent with the more abstract contrast it will be accepted as causal, but when it is not consistent with any such contrast it will be less likely to be accepted as causal /// the primary task in this experiment was to judge whether or not a target relevance relation is causal [in a categorization task] / [participants were] 96 undergraduate students /// [this chapter includes a discussion among F. Keil, M. Morris, P. Cheng and Y. Lien] (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Causal Analysis, *Knowledge Level, *Statistical Correlation, Adulthood (18 yrs & older), Classification (Cognitive Process), Cognition, Cognitive Processes [2340]., college students, Empirical Study, Human, Knowledge, Power, PSYCHOLOGY, Psychology: Professional & Research., subordinate causal knowledge & power & role of coherence in differentiating genuine from spurious causes in statistically relevant relations in categorization task
Deviations from the predictions of covariational models of causal attribution have often been reported in the literature. These include a bias against using a consensus information, a bias toward attributing effects to a person, and a tendency to make a variety of unpredicted conjunctive attributions. It is contended that these deviations, rather than representing irrational biases, could be due to (a) unspecified information over which causal inferences are computed and (b) the questionable normativeness of the models against which these deviations have been measured. A probabilistic extension of Kelley's analysis-of-variance analogy is proposed. An experiment was performed to assess the above biases and evaluate the proposed model against competing ones. The results indicate that the inference process is unbiased. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Attribution, *Inference, *Statistical Probability, Attribution, causal attribution, Human, Induction, Inference, Information, Models, probabilistic contrast model, probabilistic contrast model of causal inference, PSYCHOLOGY, Social Perception & Cognition [3040].
The covariation component of everyday causal inference has been depicted, in both cognitive and social psychology as well as in philosophy, as heterogeneous and prone to biases. The models and biases discussed in these domains are analyzed with respect to focal sets: contextually determined sets of events over which covariation is computed. Moreover, these models are compared to our probabilistic contrast model, which specifies causes as first and higher order contrasts computed over events in a focal set. Contrary to the previous depiction of covariation computation, the present assessment indicates that a single normative mechanism-the computation of probabilistic contrasts-underlies this essential component of natural causal induction both in everyday and in scientific situations.
Reports the results of a study investigating how undergraduates evaluate realistic scientific data in the domains of geology and paleontology. The results are used to test several predictions of a theory of data evaluation, which the authors call models-of-data theory. Models-of-data theory assumes that when evaluating data, the individual constructs a particular kind of cognitive model that integrates many features of the data with a theoretical interpretation of the data. The individual evaluates the model by attempting to generate alternative causal explanations for the events in the model. Models-of-data theory are contrasted with other proposals for how data are cognitively represented and it is shown that models-of-data theory gives a good account of the pattern of written evaluations of data produced by the undergraduates in the study. Theoretical and instructional implications of the theory are discussed. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Cognitive Processes, *Evaluation, *Methodology, *Theories, Adulthood (18 yrs & older), Cognition, Cognitive Processes [2340]., Empirical Study, Explanation, Human, methods of evaluation of realistic scientific data: geology: paleontology: models-of-data-theory: college students, Models, PSYCHOLOGY, Sciences
Keywords: EXPLANATION
Keywords: Inference
(from the chapter) This chapter discusses why some features of concepts are more central than others. The authors begin with a review of possible determinants of feature centrality, then focus on one important determinant, the effects of causal background knowledge on feature centrality. The different approaches to understanding feature centrality (content-based, statistical, and theory-based) are addressed, then a general introduction is made to the Causal Status hypothesis. The authors present their rationale for predicting the causal status effect and empirical results supporting the hypothesis under various contexts. They describe previous categorization studies that can be accounted for by this hypothesis, and discuss moderating factors for the effect. Finally, they examine the potential consequences of focusing only on causal relations among features in study the effect of lay theories on feature centrality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Causal Analysis, *Classification (Cognitive Process), causal relations: feature centrality: categorization: causal status hypothesis: essentialism, Causal status effect, CENTRALITY, Cognitive Processes [2340]., Concepts, Feature Centrality, Hypothesis, Knowledge, Psychological Theories, PSYCHOLOGY, Psychology: Professional & Research., RESEARCH, Theory-based
Donald Davidson has prepared a new edition of his classic 1980 collection of Essays on Actions and Events, including two additional essays. In this seminal investigation of the nature of human action, Davidson argues for an ontology which includes events along with persons and other objects. Certain events are identified and explained as actions when they are viewed as caused and rationalized by reasons; these same events, when described in physical, biological, or physiological terms, may be explained by appeal to natural laws. The mental and the physical thus constitute irreducibly discrete ways of explaining and understanding events and their causal relations. (publisher, edited)
Keywords: action, cause, epistemology, event, intention, mental-event; metaphysics, mind
TWO PROBLEMS ABOUT EVENTS ARE (1) TO GIVE A PLAUSIBLE ACCOUNT OF SENTENCES THAT SAY, OR SEEM TO SAY, THAT ONE AND THE SAME EVENT OCCURRED MORE THAN ONCE, AND (2) TO GIVE AN ANALYSIS OF SENTENCES LIKE 'HE DID IT IN THE ATTIC' THAT VALIDATE THE INFERENCE TO 'HE DID IT.' RODERICK CHISHOLM (IN "EVENTS AND PROPOSITIONS," THIS ISSUE OF 'NOUS') PROPOSES A NEW ANALYSIS OF EVENTS TO DEAL WITH PROBLEM (1), AND CLAIMS THAT THE THEORY OF THE AUTHOR ("ON THE LOGICAL FORM OF ACTION SENTENCES," IN 'THE LOGIC OF DECISION AND ACTION,' N. RESCHER (ED.), PITTSBURGH, 1967) CAN NOT DO AS WELL. THE AUTHOR DISPUTES THIS CLAIM, AND ARGUES THAT CHISHOLM'S THEORY, UNLIKE HIS OWN, HAS NOT BEEN SHOWN CAPABLE OF DEALING WITH PROBLEM (2).
Keywords: change, epistemology, event, intentionality, particulars, proposition
STATEMENTS THAT DIFFER ONLY WITH RESPECT TO THE LOCATION OF THEIR CONTRASTIVE FOCI (E.G. "CLYDE MARRIED 'BERTHA'" VS. "CLYDE 'MARRIED' BERTHA") ARE INVESTIGATED. IT IS ARGUED THAT SUCH DIFFERENCES, ALTHOUGH PLAUSIBLY CONSTRUED AS PRAGMATIC DIFFERENCES (NON-SEMANTIC), PLAY AN IMPORTANT ROLE IN DETERMINING THE MEANING OF CERTAIN LARGER EXPRESSIONS IN WHICH THEY ARE EMBEDDED. IN PARTICULAR, A VARIETY OF EPISTEMIC CONTEXTS ('REASON TO BELIEVE THAT', 'SEE THAT', 'KNOW THAT') ARE SENSITIVE TO THE CONTRASTIVE DIFFERENCES IN THE EMBEDDED THAT-CLAUSE. TO KNOW THAT CLYDE MARRIED 'BERTHA' IS NOT (NECESSARILY) TO KNOW THAT CLYDE 'MARRIED' BERTHA.
Keywords: LOGIC-; MEANING-; SEMANTICS-; STATEMENT-
Keywords: Genetic psychology, Human, Human beings - Philosophy, Rational choice theory, Science, Science - Philosophy, Scientism
In this paper we present Drama, a distributed model of analogical mapping that integrates semantic and structural constraints on constructing analogies. Specifically, Drama uses holographic reduced representations [Plate 1994], a distributed representation scheme, to model the effects of structure and meaning on human performance of analogical mapping. Drama is compared to three symbolic models of analogy (SME, Copycat, and ACME) and one partially distributed model (LISA). We describe Drama's performance on a number of example analogies and assess the model in terms of neurological and psychological plausibility. We argue that Drama's successes are due largely to integrating structural and semantic constraints throughout the mapping process. We also claim that Drama is an existence proof of using distributed representations to model high-level cognitive phenomena
Keywords: Human, Meaning
Argues that postcomprehension elaboration processes can account for specific property instantiations. Reply to comments on the authors' study on the nonrole of similarity in concept combination; Perceived similarity between constituents of a combined concept as an outcome of the comprehension process, not a prior condition for, or an integral part of, that process.
Keywords: COGNITION; COMPREHENSION; CONCEPTS
Keywords: Cognitive science, Science
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: CHARACTER, COUNTERFACTUAL, EMPIRICAL, INTUITION, LANGUAGE, LOGIC, PHILOSOPHY, QUESTION, RULE, WORD
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, PERCEPTION, PSYCHOLOGY, RECOGNITION, THEORY
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, EXPLANATION, KNOWLEDGE, PSYCHOLOGY
Keywords: HYPOTHESIS, MENTAL, PHYSICAL, REDUCTIONISM, SCIENCE, UNITY
Keywords: BEHAVIORISM, COGNITION, EXPLANATION, LANGUAGE, PRIVATE LANGUAGE, PSYCHOLOGY, REDUCTIONISM, REPRESENTATION, SCIENCE, SEMANTICS, THOUGHT, TRANSFORMATIONAL GRAMMAR
Keywords: Cognition, Faculty psychology, Knowledge,Theory of
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, INFERENCE, OBSERVATION, PERCEPTION
Keywords: Meaning, Philosophy, Philosophy of mind
Keywords: Content (Psychology), Intentionalism, Intentionality (Philosophy), Psycholinguistics, Semantics
Jerry Fodor presents a strikingly original theory of the basic constituents of thought. He suggests that the heart of a cognitive science is its theory of concepts, and that cognitive scientists have gone badly wrong in many areas because their assumptions about concepts have been seriously mistaken. Fodor argues compellingly for an atomistic theory of concepts, and maintains that future work on human cognition should build upon new foundations. (publisher, edited)
Keywords: ABOUT, COGNITION, COGNITIVE SCIENCE, CONCEPT, FUTURE, LANGUAGE, NATURALISM, SCIENCE, SCIENTIST, THEORY, THOUGHT
Keywords: EMPIRICISM, EPISTEMOLOGY, INNATENESS, NATIVISM
Keywords: COMPOSITION, COMPOSITIONALITY, LANGUAGE, METAPHYSICS, MIND, THOUGHT
Keywords: Cognitive science, Nativism (Psychology), Philosophy of mind
Keywords: MIND, PSYCHOLOGY
Hume says in the Treatise that his main project is to construct a theory of human nature and, in particular, a theory of the mind. Hume Variations examines his account of cognition and how it is grounded in his 'theory of ideas'. Fodor discusses such key topics as the distinction between 'simple' and 'complex' ideas, the thesis that an idea is some kind of picture, and the roles that 'association' and 'imagination' play in cognitive processes. He argues that the theory of ideas, as Hume develops it, is both historically and ideologically continuous with the representational theory of mind as it is now widely endorsed by cognitive scientists. (publisher, edited)
Keywords: COGNITION, CONCEPT, EPISTEMOLOGY, IMAGINATION, SCIENTIST, THEORY
Keywords: CARTESIANISM, CONCEPT, INFERENCE, LANGUAGE, PRAGMATISM
Keywords: COMPOSITIONALITY, CONCEPT, EPISTEMOLOGY, METAPHYSICS, SYSTEMATICITY
Keywords: EVIDENCE, LANGUAGE, LINGUISTICS, ORDINARY LANGUAGE, SPEAKER, STATEMENT
Keywords: ANALYTICITY, LANGUAGE, MEANING, SEMANTICS
The main question addressed in this book is whether individuation of the contents of thoughts and linguistic expressions is inherently holistic. The authors consider arguments that are alleged to show that the meaning of a word depends on the entire language that it belongs to, or that the meaning of a scientific hypothesis depends on the entire theory that entails it, or that the content of a concept depends on the entire belief system of which it is part. If these arguments are sound then it would follow that the meanings of words, sentences, hypotheses, prediction, discourages, dialogues, texts, thoughts and the like are merely derivative. The implications of holism about meaning for other philosophical issues (intentional explanation, translation, realism, skepticism, etc.) are also explored. Authors discussed include Quine, Davidson, Lewis, Dennett, Block, Field, Churchland, and others
Keywords: ABOUT, CONCEPT, CONTENT, EXPLANATION, EXPRESSION, HOLISM, HYPOTHESIS, INTENTIONAL, INTERPRETATION, LANGUAGE, MEANING, PREDICTION, RADICAL TRANSLATION, REALISM, SEMANTICS, SENTENCE, SYSTEM, THEORY, THOUGHT
The specter of a certain transcendental argument has haunted the philosophy of language ever since Wittgenstein wrote the Philosophical Investigations. We take the form of the argument to be something like this: Argument form T: 1) No language would be interpretable at all unless it were radically interpretable; that is, unless it were interpretable from the epistemic position of a radical interpreter. 2) No language would be radically interpretable unless it were F. 3) (Natural) languages are actually interpreted; hence, natural language are radically interpretable. 4) Therefore natural languages are F. We say that this is the specter of an argument because there is less than universal consensus as to what goes in for F. But never mind: an argument schema is sufficient for our purposes. We are going to claim that no case has been made for the soundness of any familiar instantiations of argument from T
Keywords: INTERPRETATION, LANGUAGE, LOGIC, MEANING, MIND, PHILOSOPHY
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, LANGUAGE, SEMANTICS, SENTENCE, TRUTH, VALUE
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, LANGUAGE, MEANING, SEMANTICS, SIMILARITY, SPACE
Keywords: COMPOSITIONALITY, DEFLATION, EXPRESSION, LANGUAGE, THEORY
Keywords: Composionality (Linguistics), Compositionality (Linguistics), Language and languages - Philosophy, Meaning, Semantics
Keywords: CHARACTER, COUNTERFACTUAL, EMPIRICAL, INTUITION, LANGUAGE, LOGIC, PHILOSOPHY, QUESTION, RULE, WORD
Keywords: BIOLOGY-; EXPLANATION-; INDIVIDUALISM-; QUESTION-; REDUCTIONISM-; RELATIVITY-; SOCIAL-PHILOSOPHY
Psychological essentialism is the idea that certain categories, such as 'lion' or 'female', have an underlying reality that cannot be observed directly. Where does this idea come from? This article reviews recent evidence suggesting that psychological essentialism is an early cognitive bias. Young children look beyond the obvious in many converging ways: when learning words, generalizing knowledge to new category members, reasoning about the insides of things, contemplating the role of nature versus nurture, and constructing causal explanations. These findings argue against the standard view of children as concrete thinkers, instead claiming that children have an early tendency to search for hidden, non-obvious features.
Keywords: INDUCTIVE INFERENCES, YOUNG-CHILDREN, CATEGORIES, BELIEFS, ESSENCES, SIMILARITY, KNOWLEDGE, LANGUAGE, SYSTEMS, CULTURE
(from the chapter) The authors argue for a notion of "essence" that is broader and more contained than they found in the literature. The authors ask how essential essentialism is in empirical thought and investigate evidence and sources for essentialist representations. The authors use the title of the chapter to provoke a discussion of how well motivated the attention is that folkbiology has received in research on essentialist reasoning as well as that which essentialism has received in research on folkbiology. The authors conclude that the motivation is better with respect to the latter than the former and that essentialism is an essential part of folkbiology though folkbiology is not critical to understanding essentialism. [Chapter; In English; Print]
The correspondence bias is the tendency to draw inferences about a person's unique and enduring dispositions from behaviors that can be entirely explained by the situations in which they occur. Although this tendency is one of the most fundamental phenomena in social psychology, its causes and consequences remain poorly understood. This article sketches an intellectual history of the correspondence bias as an evolving problem in social psychology, describes 4 mechanisms (lack of awareness, unrealistic expectations, inflated categorizations, and incomplete corrections) that produce distinct forms of correspondence bias, and discusses how the consequences of correspondence-biased inferences may perpetuate such inferences.
Keywords: Judgment
Keywords: EXPLANATION
A current debate within the cognitive development literature addresses how best to characterize conceptual change. Within one proposal, development primarily consists of a series of radical conceptual shifts or restructurings in which the most current understanding is inexplicable within (incommensurate with) prior conceptual structure. Alternatively, development is discussed as more gradual enrichment of multiple existing early explanatory systems, allowing for commensuarability over time and change. This paper examines the literature in this debate with specific focus on naive biological understanding, and discusses a series of studies on preschoolers' inductive inferences across biological and non-biological kinds. Children were taught a series of biological properties for a human being (e.g. eating, sleeping etc.), and asked to generalize these properties to both biological (e.g. dogs, worms) and non-biological kinds (e.g. clouds, tables). The results of these studies support the gradual-enrichment proposal. Specifically, 4-year-olds seem to possess a limited, but coherent and independent biological theory which may form the basis of mature understanding of biological kinds. These results are discussed in terms of multiple explanatory systems which both preschoolers and adults can employ across development to effectively guide their decisions within a given domain
Keywords: Adult, Human, Inference
A feature is central to a concept to the extent that other features depend on it. Four studies tested the hypothesis that people will project a feature from a base concept to a target concept to the extent that they believe the feature is central to the two concepts. This centrality hypothesis implies that feature projection is guided by a principle that aims to maximize the structural commonality between base and target concepts. Participants were told that a category has two or three novel features. One feature was the most central in that more properties depended on it. The extent to which the target shared the feature's dependencies was manipulated by varying the similarity of category pairs. Participants' ratings of the likelihood that each feature would hold in the target category support the centrality hypothesis with both natural kind and artifact categories and with both well-specified and vague dependency structures. [Copyright 2004 Elsevier]
Keywords: CENTRALITY, Concepts, Feature Centrality, Hypothesis, Induction, PROJECTION (Psychology), PSYCHOLOGY
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: Concepts
Discusses studies of current issues in attribution theory and research. Measurement of attribution; Nature of attribution; Perceptual and cognitive processes; Affective consequences of achievement-related attributions.
Keywords: SOCIAL psychology; ATTRIBUTION (Social psychology); PSYCHOLOGY -- Research
Two studies examine implicit theories about the nature of personality characteristics, asking whether they are understood as underlying essences. Consistent with the hypothesis, essentialist beliefs about personality formed a coherent and replicable set. Personality characteristics differed systematically in the extent to which they were judged to be discrete, biologically based, immutable, informative, consistent across situations, and deeply inherent within the person. In Study 1, the extent to which characteristics were essentialized was positively associated with their perceived desirability, prevalence, and emotionality. In Study 2, essentialized characteristics were judged to be particularly important for defining people?s identity, for forming impressions of people, and for communicating about a third person. The findings indicate that people understand some personality attributes in an essentialist fashion, that these attributes are taken to be valued elements of a shared human nature, and that they are particularly central to social identity and judgment.
Keywords: essentialism ? personality ? traits ? human nature
This study examines beliefs about the ontological status of social categories, asking whether their members are understood to share fixed, inhering essences or natures. Forty social categories were rated on nine elements of essentialism. These elements formed two independent dimensions, representing the degrees to which categories are understood as natural kinds and as coherent entities with inhering cores ('entitativity' or reification), respectively. Reification was negatively associated with categories evaluative status, especially among those categories understood to be natural kinds. Essentialism is not a unitary syndrome of social beliefs, and is not monolithically associated with devaluation and prejudice, but it illuminates several aspects of social categorization.
Gordon Allport (1954) proposed that belief in group essences is one aspect of the prejudiced personality, alongside a rigid, dichotomous and ambiguity-intolerant cognitive style. We examined whether essentialist beliefs?beliefs that a social category has a fixed, inherent, identity-defining nature?are indeed associated in this fashion with prejudice towards black people, women and gay men. Allport's claim, which is mirrored by many contemporary social theorists, received partial support but had to be qualified in important respects. Essence-related beliefs were associated strongly with anti-gay attitudes but only weakly with sexism and racism, and they did not reflect a cognitive style that was consistent across stigmatized categories. When associations with prejudice were obtained, only a few specific beliefs were involved, and some anti-essentialist beliefs were associated with anti-gay attitudes. Nevertheless, the powerful association that essence-related beliefs had with anti-gay attitudes was independent of established prejudice-related traits, indicating that they have a significant role to play in the psychology of prejudice.
(from the introduction) How one person thinks and feels about another person, how he perceives him and what he does to him, what he expects him to do or think, how he reacts to the actions of the other--these are some of the phenomena that will be treated. Our concern will be with "surface" matters, the events that occur in everyday life on a conscious level, rather than with the unconscious processes studied by psychoanalysis in "depth" psychology. /// The discussion will center on the person as the basic unit to be investigated. That is to say, the two-person group and its properties as a superindividual unit will not be the focus of attention. /// This then will be the purpose of this book: to offer suggestions for the construction of a language that will allow us to represent, if not all, at least a great number of interpersonal relations, discriminated by conventional language in such a way that their place in a general system will become clearer. This talk will require identifying and defining some of the underlying concepts and their patterns of combination that characterize interpersonal relations. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2004 APA, all rights reserved); Introduction Perceiving the other person The other person as perceiver The naive analysis of action Desire and pleasure Environmental effects Sentiment Ought and value / Request and command Benefit and harm Reaction to the lot of the other person Conclusion Appendix: A notation for representing interpersonal relations Bibliography Author index Subject index
Keywords: Interpersonal Interaction; Language; Social Perception
Keywords: EMERGENCE, EXPLANATION, LAWS, LOGIC, PREDICTION, SCIENCE, THEORY
Keywords: Explanation, Philosophy, Science
Keywords: Hempel,Carl Gustav,1905-, Knowledge,Theory of - Addresses,essays,lectures, Philosophy, Philosophy of Science, Science, Science - Methodology, Science - Philosophy
Keywords: Attribution Theory, Contrast
The use of analogy in human thinking is examined from the perspective of a multiconstraint theory, which postulates 3 basic types of constraints: similarity, structure, and purpose. The operation of these constraints is apparent in laboratory experiments on analogy and in naturalistic settings, including politics, psychotherapy, and scientific research. The multiconstraint theory has been implemented in detailed computational simulations of the analogical human mind
Keywords: Human
Keywords: Human, Knowledge,Theory of
Keywords: Cognition
The study of intuitions and errors in judgment under uncertainty is complicated by several factors: discrepancies between acceptance and application of normative rules; effects of content on the application of rules; Socratic hints that create intuitions while testing them; demand characteristics of within-subject experiments; subjects' interpretations of experimental messages according to standard conversational rules. The positive analysis of a judgmental error in terms of heuristics may be supplemented by a negative analysis, which seeks to explain why the correct rule is not intuitively compelling. A negative analysis of non-regressive prediction is outlined
Keywords: Judgment
In contrast to formal theories of judgement and decision, which employ a single notion of probability, psychological analyses of responses to uncertainty reveal a wide variety of processes and experiences, which may follow different rules. Elementary forms of expectation and surprise in perception are reviewed. A phenomenological analysis is described, which distinguishes external attributions of uncertainty (disposition) from internal attributions of uncertainty (ignorance). Assessments of uncertainty can be made in different modes, by focusing on frequencies, propensities, the strength of arguments, or direct experiences of confidence. These variants of uncertainty are associated with different expressions in natural language; they are also suggestive of competing philosophical interpretations of probability
Keywords: Language, Perception
Keywords: Essentialism
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: Meaning
Concepts seem to consist of both an associative component based on tabulations of feature typicality and similarity judgments and an explanatory component based on rules and causal principles. However, there is much controversy about how each component functions in concept acquisition and use. Here we consider two assumptions, or dogmas, that embody this controversy and underlie much of the current cognitive science research on concepts. Dogma 1: Novel information is first processed via similarity judgments and only later is influenced by explanatory components. Dogma 2: Children initially have only a similarity-based component for learning concepts; the explanatory component develops on the foundation of this earlier component. We present both empirical and theoretical arguments that these dogmas are unfounded, particularly with respect to real world concepts; we contend that the dogmas arise from a particular species of empiricism that inhibits progress in the study of conceptual structure; and finally, we advocate the retention of a hybrid model of the structure of knowledge despite our rejection of these dogmas
Keywords: Cognitive science, Concepts, Empiricism, Judgment, Knowledge, Science
Keywords: Explanation, Cognition
"THE THEORY DESCRIBES PROCESSES THAT OPERATE AS IF THE INDIVIDUAL WERE MOTIVATED TO ATTAIN A COGNITIVE MASTERY OF THE CAUSAL STRUCTURE OF HIS ENVIRONMENT." THE 4 CRITERIA CONSIDERED RELEVANT TO THE ATTRIBUTION PROCESS ARE DISTINCTIVENESS, CONSISTENCY OVER TIME, CONSISTENCY OVER MODALITY, AND CONSENSUS. THE "ILLUSION OF FREEDOM" IN THE FACE OF OUR SOCIETY'S INSISTENCE ON "CONFORMITY OF BEHAVIOR" IS 1 PROBLEM THAT CAN BE CONSIDERED WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF ATTRIBUTION THEORY. COMMENTS RELATING ATTRIBUTION THEORY TO MOTIVATIONAL BLOCKS IN CLASSROOM LEARNING ARE MADE BY I. KATZ. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2004 APA, all rights reserved)
Focuses on the wide use of attribution theory in psychological research. Difference between other-perception and self-perception; Information on the three types of antecedents; Revelation that consistency and distinctiveness are important parameters of individual experience.
Keywords: MATHEMATICAL models; SELF-perception; THEORY; PSYCHOLOGICAL literature; PSYCHOLOGY -- Research
Keywords: CONJUNCTION, EXPLANATION, LAWS, SCIENCE, THEORY, UNIFICATION
Keywords: CHANGE, GENERALIZATION, REFERENCE, SCIENCE, THEORY
Keywords: A PRIORI, BELIEF, EPISTEMOLOGY, EXPERIENCE, INTUITION, KNOWLEDGE
Keywords: EXPLANATION, SCIENCE, UNIFICATION
Keywords: BIOLOGY, GENETICS, REDUCTIONISM, SCIENCE, SCIENTIFIC THEORY
Keywords: SCIENCE, SPECIES, TAXONOMY
Keywords: CAUSAL EXPLANATION, EXPLANATION, LOGIC
Keywords: COGNITIVE, COMMUNITY, DIVISION OF LABOR, EPISTEMOLOGY
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, KNOWLEDGE, NATURALISM, PHILOSOPHY
Keywords: EMPIRICISM, EPISTEMOLOGY, LANGUAGE, REALISM, SEMANTICS
Keywords: ANSWER, EXPLANATION, PRAGMATICS, RELEVANCE, SCIENCE
Keywords: Explanation, Metatheory
Keywords: Epistemology, Inference
The authors propose a parallel-constraint-satisfaction theory of impression formation that assumes that social stereotypes and individuating information such as traits or behaviors constrain each other's meaning and jointly influence impressions of individuals. Building on models of text comprehension (W. Kintsch, 1988), the authors describe a connectionist model that can account for the major findings on how stereotypes affect impressions of individuals in the presence of different kinds of individuating information; how stereotypes, behaviors, and traits affect each other's meaning; and how multiple stereotypes jointly affect impressions. Most of these findings can be modeled by constraint networks, which suggests that they may be due to relatively automatic processes that require little conscious inference. The authors also point to a small number of phenomena that involve more controlled processes. The advantages of the authors' parallel model over serial models are discussed
Keywords: Inference, Meaning
Keywords: Concepts, Knowledge
Polysemous words have different but related meanings (senses), such as paper meaning a newspaper or writing material. Six experiments examined the similarity of word senses using categorization and inference tasks. The experiments found that subjects did not categorize together phrases that used a polysemous word in different senses, though they did when the word was used in the same sense. Different senses of a word were categorized together no more than 20 time, only slightly more often than different meanings of homonyms. Pre- exposing Subjects to a polysemous relation did riot increase categorization of word senses that had that relation. Finally, induction from one sense of a word to a different sense was also weak. The results are consistent with the view that polysemous senses are represented separately, often with little semantic overlap, helping to explain previous results that using a word. in one sense interferes with using it in another sense, even if the senses are related. Implications for lexical representations are discussed. (C) 2002 Elsevier Science (USA). All rights reserved.
Keywords: CAUSATION, COUNTERFACTUAL, DETERMINISM, EFFECT, EPIPHENOMENALISM, SCIENCE
Keywords: ANALOGY, COMPARISON, COUNTERFACTUAL, LOGIC, MODALITY, POSSIBLE WORLD
Keywords: CONDITIONAL, CONDITIONAL PROBABILITY, INDICATIVES, LOGIC, PROBABILITY, TRUTH FUNCTION
THE BOOK CONSISTS OF REPRINTS OF FIFTEEN PAPERS IN ONTOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY OF MIND, AND PHILOSOPHY OF LANGUAGE. THE PAPERS ARE UNCHANGED FROM THEIR ORIGINAL FORM, BUT NEW POSTSCRIPTS HAVE BEEN ADDED TO EIGHT OF THEM
Keywords: IDENTITY, LANGUAGE, METAPHYSICS, MIND, ONTOLOGY, PHILOSOPHY
Keywords: Explanation, Causal Explanation
Keywords: Existence - Philosophical perspectives, Modality (Theory of knowledge), Ontology, Plurality of worlds, Realism
THE BOOK CONSISTS OF TWO NEW PAPERS AND ELEVEN REPRINTED PAPERS ON TOPICS CONCERNING COUNTERFACTUALS, PROBABILITY, CAUSATION, AND RELATED MATTERS. THE REPRINTED PAPERS ARE UNCHANGED FROM THEIR ORIGINAL FORM, BUT NEW POSTSCRIPTS HAVE BEEN ADDED TO SIX OF THEM
Keywords: CAUSATION, CONDITIONAL, CONDITIONAL PROBABILITY, COUNTERFACTUAL, DECISION, DEPENDENCY, PHILOSOPHY, PROBABILITY
Keywords: BELIEF, DECISION THEORY, DESIRE, LOGIC
Keywords: Knowledge
Keywords: Adult, Concepts
Proposes a model based on the two proxies often substituted for counterfactual information (on which all of the major attribution theories are based) since counterfactual information is difficult to obtain. Covariation data and information regarding alternative explanations; Framework for understanding the use and success of Kelley's analysis of variance model and others' models; Understanding of the fundamental attribution error and actor-observer attributional differences.
Keywords: PSYCHOLOGY -- Research
A RECENT ACCOUNT OF THE EXPLANATION OF CONTRASTIVE FACTS HOLDS THAT TO EXPLAIN WHY "E" OCCURRED RATHER THAN "F" IS SIMPLY TO EXPLAIN WHY "E" OCCURRED AND TO SHOW THAT "E" PREVENTED "F" FROM OCCURRING. THIS IS SHOWN TO BE INCORRECT. IT FAILS TO ACCOUNT FOR CASES WHERE THE CONTRAST EXPLAINED REPRESENTS A CHOICE, A SURPRISING OUTCOME, OR AN UNEXPECTED DIFFERENCE, AND IT IGNORES THE FACT THAT IT IS USUALLY EASIER TO EXPLAIN WHY "E" RATHER THAN "F" THAN IT IS TO EXPLAIN WHY "E SIMPLICITER".
Keywords: explanation, fact, language
How do we go about weighing evidence, testing hypotheses and making inferences? According to the model of Inference to the Best Explanation, we work out what to infer from the evidence by thinking about what would actually explain that evidence, and we take the ability of a hypothesis to explain the evidence as a sign that the hypothesis is correct. In Inference to the Best Explanation, Peter Lipton gives this important and influential idea the development and assessment it deserves. The second edition has been substantially enlarged and reworked, with a new chapter on the relationship between explanation and Bayesianism, and an extension and defence of the account of contrastive explanation. (publisher, edited)
Keywords: bayesianism, explanation, induction, inference, science, truth
Two parallel studies were performed with members of very different cultures--industrialized American and traditional Itzaj-Mayan--to investigate potential universal and cultural features of folkbiological taxonomies and inductions. Specifically, we examined how individuals organize natural categories into taxonomies, and whether they readily use these taxonomies to make inductions about those categories. The results of the first study indicate that there is a cultural consensus both among Americans and the Itzaj in their taxonomies of local mammal species, and that these taxonomies resemble and depart from a corresponding scientific taxonomy in similar ways. However, cultural differences are also shown, such as a greater differentiation and more ecological considerations in Itzaj taxonomies. In a second study, Americans and the Itzaj used their taxonomies to guide similarity- and typicality-based inductions. These inductions converge and diverge crossculturally and regarding scientific inductions where their respective taxonomies do. These findings reveal some universal features of folkbiological inductions, but they also reveal some cultural features such as diversity-based inductions among Americans, and ecologically based inductions among the Itzaj. Overall, these studies suggest that while building folkbiological taxonomies and using them for folkbiological inductions is a universal competence of human cognition there are also important cultural constraints on that competence
Keywords: Cognition, Human, Induction
Keywords: Meaning
Keywords: Concepts
The name chosen for an object is influenced by both short-term history (e.g., speaker-addressee pacts) and long-term history (e.g., the language's naming pattern for the domain). But these influences must somehow be linked. We propose that names adopted through speaker-addressee collaboration have influences that carry beyond the original context. To test this hypothesis, we adapted the standard referential communication task. The first director of each matching session was a confederate who introduced one of two possible names for each object. The director role then rotated to naive participants. The participants later rated name preference for the introduced and alternative names for each object. They also rated object typicality or similarity to each named category. The name that was initially introduced influenced later name use and preference, even for participants who had not heard the name from the original director. Typicality and similarity showed lesser effects from the names originally introduced. Name associations built in one context appear to influence retrieval and use of names in other contexts, but they have reduced impact on nonlinguistic object knowledge. These results support the notion that stable conventions for object names within a linguistic community may arise from local interactions, and they demonstrate how different populations of speakers may come to have a shared under-standing of objects' nonlinguistic properties but different naming patterns.
Keywords: Concepts
The present research addressed differences in the use of covariation information implied by counterfactual reasoning, which focuses on the question ”Would the event Y have occurred if the candidate X had not?” and contrastive reasoning, which involves comparing the target episode to contrasting background instances and noting distinctive features. Two experiments test hypotheses regarding the use of counterfactual and contrastive thinking under different conditions. Findings suggest that when no candidate has been identified, people are more likely to engage in contrastive thinking, but they may engage in counterfactual thinking when they are asked to evaluate a specific candidate.
Research and theory on categorization and conceptual structure have recently undergone two major shifts. The first shift is from the assumption that concepts have defining properties (the classical view) to the idea that concept representations may be based on properties that are only characteristic or typical of category examples (the probabilistic view). Both the probabilistic view and the classical view assume that categorization is driven by similarity relations. A major problem with describing category structure in terms of similarity is that the notion of similarity is too unconstrained to give an account of conceptual coherence. The second major shift is from the idea that concepts are organized by similarity to the idea that concepts are organized around theories. In this article, the evidence and rationale associated with these shifts are described, and one means of integrating similarity-based and theory-driven categorization is outlined
Keywords: classification, Concept Formation, Concepts, diagnosis, Human, Mental Disorders, Psychology,Clinical, Support,U.S.Gov't,Non-P.H.S., Support,U.S.Gov't,P.H.S.
Keywords: Cognition and culture, Ethnobiology, Folklore
This article describes cross-cultural and developmental research on folk biology: that is, the study of how people conceptualize living kinds. The combination of a conceptual module for biology and cross-cultural comparison brings a new perspective to theories of categorization and reasoning. From the standpoint of cognitive psychology, the authors find that results gathered from standard populations in industrialized societies often fail to generalize to humanity at large. For example, similarity-driven typicality and diversity effects either are not found or pattern differently when one moves beyond undergraduates. From the perspective of folk biology, standard populations may yield misleading results because they represent examples of especially impoverished experience with nature. Certain phenomena are robust across populations, consistent with notions of a core module
A framework theory, organized around the principle of relevance, is proposed for category-based reasoning. According to the relevance principle, people assume that premises are informative with respect to conclusions. This idea leads to the prediction that people will use causal scenarios and property reinforcement strategies in inductive reasoning. These predictions are contrasted with both existing models and normative logic. Judgments of argument strength were gathered in three different countries, and the results showed the importance of both causal scenarios and property reinforcement in categorybased inferences. The relation between the relevance framework and existing models of category-based inductive reasoning is discussed in the light of these findings.
Focuses on distinctions among kinds of concepts. Importance of distinguishing concept types; Three types of criteria for distinguishing concept types; Candidates for kinds of concepts based on structure, processing, and content-laden principles; Skepticism over the use of domain-specificity framework; Sensitivity to kinds of concepts as an effective research strategy
Keywords: CATEGORIZATION (Psychology), Concepts
Keywords: Cognitive science, Science
Adults overestimate the detail and depth of their explanatory knowledge, but through providing explanations they recognize their initial illusion of understanding. By contrast, they are much more accurate in making self-assessments for other kinds of knowledge, such as for procedures, narratives, and facts. Two studies examined this illusion of explanatory depth with 48 children each in grades K, 2, and 4, and also explored adults' ratings of the children's explanations. Children judged their understanding of mechanical devices (Study 1) and procedures (Study 2). Second and fourth graders showed a clear illusion of explanatory depth for devices, recognizing the inaccuracy of their initial impressions after providing explanations. The illusion did not occur for knowledge of procedures
Keywords: Adult, Explanation, Knowledge
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: Concepts, Meaning
Keywords: Concept Formation, Concepts
Keywords: Cognition
Keywords: Concepts
Keywords: Concept Formation, Knowledge
Keywords: Reason
Keywords: Knowledge
Keywords: Teleology, Explanation
Keywords: Teleology, Explanation
Keywords: Induction
Keywords: Naturalism, Philosophy of mind
Keywords: Consciousness
Presents information on a study which investigated the attributions made for membership in the dominant coalitions present among the board members of several banks, by both members and nonmembers of those coalitions. Method used in the study; Application of social psychology on the nature of successful membership; Results and discussion.
Keywords: ASSOCIATIONS, institutions, etc. -- Membership; ATTRIBUTION (Social psychology); BANK directors; SOCIAL networks -- Psychological aspects
The authors examined inductive reasoning among experts in a domain. Three types of tree experts (landscapers, taxonomists, and parks maintenance personnel) completed 3 reasoning tasks. In Experiment 1, participants inferred which of 2 novel diseases would affect "more other kinds of trees" and provided justifications for their choices. In Experiment 2, the authors used modified instructions and asked which disease would be more likely to affect "all trees." In Experiment 3, the conclusion category was eliminated altogether, and participants were asked to generate a list of other affected trees. Among these populations, typicality and diversity effects were weak to nonexistent. Instead, experts' reasoning was influenced by "local" coverage (extension of the property to members of the same folk family) and causal-ecological factors. The authors concluded that domain knowledge leads to the use of a variety of reasoning strategies not captured by current models of category-based induction
Keywords: Knowledge, Induction
Keywords: MATHEMATICS
Keywords: FUTURE, PHYSICS, REALITY, SCIENCE, TIME
Keywords: CONFIRMATION, LANGUAGE, LOGIC, MATHEMATICS
Keywords: ANALYTIC STATEMENT, COLOR, CONCEPT, LOGIC, SYSTEM
Keywords: BEHAVIORISM, EXPLICATION, LANGUAGE, MEANING, ORDINARY LANGUAGE, PSYCHOLOGY, SCIENCE, USE
Keywords: LOGIC, NUMBER THEORY, RECURSION THEORY, THEORY, UNSOLVABILITY
Keywords: ANALYTIC, LANGUAGE, NECESSARY, SPACE, SYNTHETIC, TIME
Keywords: MEASUREMENT, PHYSICS, QUANTUM MECHANICS, SCIENCE
Keywords: ARTIFICIAL INTELLIGENCE, LANGUAGE, LIFE, MACHINE, METAPHYSICS, MINDS, ROBOT
Keywords: ENUMERATION, LOGIC, RECURSIVENESS, THEORETICAL TERM
Keywords: Language, Reality, Semantics
Keywords: Language, Meaning, Reality
Keywords: Language, Meaning, Realism, Reality
Keywords: Language, Meaning, Reality
Keywords: LANGUAGE, METAPHYSICS, PHENOMENALISM, PHYSICALISM, TRUTH
Keywords: EXTENSION, INTENSION, LANGUAGE, MEANING, REFERENCE, SOCIOLINGUISTICS
Keywords: CONSTRUCTIVISM, COUNTERFACTUAL, LOEWENHEIM SKOLEM THEOREM, LOGIC, MODEL, PLATONISM, REALISM, REALITY, REFERENCE, SET, TRUTH, VERIFICATIONISM
Keywords: CAUSATION, REALISM, SCIENCE
Keywords: Philosophy - Addresses,essays,lectures, Realism, Reason
Keywords: Realism, Reason
Keywords: Realism, Reason, Truth
Keywords: Reality
Keywords: Mind and body, Perception (Philosophy), Philosophy
Keywords: ABOUT, ABSOLUTE, LANGUAGE, PREDICATE
This study used a novel task, clock arithmetic, and a classic A-B/A-Br transfer design to investigate the presence of interference between cognitive skills. The A-B/A-Br design required participants to first learn problem-to-answer associations during training and then to learn new pairings between the same problems and answers during transfer. The associations learned during training interfered with those learned during transfer, as measured by slowed reaction times to emit the correct response, failures to retrieve any response, and intrusion errors. Interference persisted even after a 1-week retention interval and was especially prevalent during the warm-up period at the beginning of the retention test. The use of the A-B/A-Br design indicates that whether an incorrect answer retrieved from memory is emitted as a response depends on whether the intrusion is recognized as inappropriate for the current task. The long-term memory for cognitive skills means that attempts to learn new responses to old stimuli will be plagued by persistent intrusion errors
A theory of categorization is presented in which knowledge of causal relationships between category features is represented in terms of asymmetric and probabilistic causal mechanisms. According to causal-model theory, objects are classified as category members to the extent they are likely to have been generated or produced by those mechanisms. The empirical results confirmed that participants rated exemplars good category members to the extent their features manifested the expectations that causal knowledge induces, such as correlations between feature pairs that are directly connected by causal relationships. These expectations also included sensitivity to higher-order feature interactions that emerge from the asymmetries inherent in causal relationships. Quantitative fits of causal-model theory were superior to those obtained with extensions to traditional similarity-based models that represent causal knowledge either as higher-order relational features or "prior exemplars" stored in memory
Keywords: Knowledge
This article presents a theory of categorization that accounts for the effects of causal knowledge that relates the features of categories. According to causal-model theory, people explicitly represent the probabilistic causal mechanisms that link category features and classify objects by evaluating whether they were likely to have been generated by those mechanisms. In 3 experiments, participants were taught causal knowledge that related the features of a novel category. Causal-model theory provided a good quantitative account of the effect of this knowledge on the importance of both individual features and interfeature correlations to classification. By enabling precise model fits and interpretable parameter estimates, causal-model theory helps place the theory-based approach to conceptual representation on equal footing with the well-known similarity-based approaches
Keywords: classification, Knowledge, Theory-based
Despite the recent interest in the theoretical knowledge embedded in human representations of categories, little research has systematically manipulated the structure of such knowledge. Across four experiments this study assessed the effects of interattribute causal laws on a number of category-based judgments. The authors found that (a) any attribute occupying a central position in a network of causal relationships comes to dominate category membership, (b) combinations of attribute values are important to category membership to the extent they jointly confirm or violate the causal laws, and (c) the presence of causal knowledge affects the induction of new properties to the category. These effects were a result of the causal laws, rather than the empirical correlations produced by those laws. Implications for the doctrine of psychological essentialism, similarity-based models of categorization, and the representation of causal knowledge are discussed
Keywords: Essentialism, Human, Induction, Judgment, Knowledge, RESEARCH
One important property of human object categories is that they define the sets of exemplars to which newly observed properties are generalized. We manipulated the causal knowledge associated with novel categories and assessed the resulting strength of property inductions. We found that the theoretical coherence afforded to a category by inter-feature causal relationships strengthened inductive projections. However, this effect depended on the degree to which the exemplar with the to-be-projected predicate manifested or satisfied its category's causal laws. That is, the coherence that supports inductive generalizations is a property of individual category members rather than categories. Moreover, we found that an exemplar's coherence was mediated by its degree of category membership. These results were obtained across a variety of causal network topologies and kinds of categories, including biological kinds, non-living natural kinds, and artifacts
Keywords: Human, Induction, Knowledge
Many studies have demonstrated the importance of the knowledge that interrelates features in people's mental representation of categories and that makes our conception of categories coherent. This article focuses on abstract coherent categories, coherent categories that are also abstract because they are defined by relations independently of any features. Four experiments demonstrate that abstract coherent categories are learned more easily than control categories with identical features and statistical structure, and also that participants induced an abstract representation of the category by granting category membership to exemplars with completely novel features. The authors argue that the human conceptual system is heavily populated with abstract coherent concepts, including conceptions of social groups, societal institutions, legal, political, and military scenarios, and many superordinate categories, such as classes of natural kinds
Keywords: Concepts, Human, Knowledge
Our knowledge of natural categories includes beliefs not only about what is true of them but also about what would be true if the categories had properties other than (or in addition to) their actual ones. Evidence about these beliefs comes from three lines of research: experiments on category-based induction, on hypothetical transformations of category members, and on definitions of kind terms. The 1st part of this article examines results and theories arising from each of these research streams. The 2nd part considers possible unified theories for this domain, including theories based on ideals and norms. It also contrasts 2 broad frameworks for modal category information: one focusing on beliefs about intrinsic or essential properties, the other focusing on interacting causal relations.
A central aspect of people's beliefs about the mind is that mental activities-for example, thinking, reasoning, and problem solving-are interrelated, with some activities being kinds or parts of others. In common-sense psychology, reasoning is a kind of thinking and reasoning is part of problem solving. People's conceptions of these mental kinds and parts can furnish clues to the ordinary meaning of these terms and to the differences between folk and scientific psychology. In this article, we use a new technique for deriving partial orders to analyze subjects' decisions about whether one mental activity is a kind or part of another. The resulting taxonomies and partonomies differ from those of common object categories in exhibiting a converse relation in this domain: One mental activity is a part of another if the second is a kind of the first. The derived taxonomies and partonomies also allow us to predict results from further experiments that examine subjects' memory for these activities, their ratings of the activities' importance, and their judgments about whether there could be "possible minds" that possess some of the activities but not others., Copyright 1989 by the American Psychological Association, Inc
Keywords: Behavioral & Social Sciences,PsycARTICLES, Judgment, Problem Solving, PSYCHOLOGY
Keywords: Cognition
Carey's (1985) book on conceptual change and the accompanying argument that children's biology initially is organized in terms of naive psychology has sparked a great detail of research and debate. This body of research on children's biology has, however, been almost exclusively been based on urban, majority culture children in the US or in other industrialized nations. The development of folkbiological knowledge may depend on cultural and experiential background. If this is the case, then urban majority culture children may prove to be the exception rather than the rule, because plants and animals do not play a significant role in their everyday life. Urban majority culture children, rural majority culture children, and rural Native American (Menominee) children were given a property projection task based on Carey's original paradigm. Each group produced a unique profile of development. Only urban children showed evidence for early anthropocentrism, suggesting that the co-mingling of psychology and biology may be a product of an impoverished experience with nature. In comparison to urban majority culture children even the youngest rural children generalized in terms of biological affinity. In addition, all ages of Native American children and the older rural majority culture children (unlike urban children) gave clear evidence of ecological reasoning. These results show that both culture and expertise (exposure to nature) play a role in the development of folkbiological thought
Keywords: Knowledge
Keywords: Epistemology, Explanation, Knowledge,Theory of, Philosophy, Science - Methodology, Science - Philosophy
Keywords: PREDICTION, RATIONALITY, SCIENCE
Keywords: INDUCTIVE LOGIC, LOGICAL EMPIRICISM, RATIONALITY, SCIENCE
Keywords: Explanation, Science - Methodology - History, Science - Methods - History, Science - Philosophy - History
Keywords: CAUSALITY, COUNTERFACTUAL, PHYSICS, SCIENCE
This long-awaited volume collects twenty-six of Salmon's essays, including seven that have never before been published and others difficult to find. Part I comprises five introductory essays that presuppose no formal training in philosophy of science and form a background for subsequent essays. Parts II and III contain Salmon's seminal work on scientific explanation and causality. Part IV offers survey articles that feature advanced material but remain accessible to those outside philosophy of science. Essays in Part V address specific issues in particular scientific disciplines, namely, archaeology and anthropology, astrophysics and cosmology, and physics. (publisher, edited)
Keywords: ASYMMETRY, CAUSATION, DETERMINISM, EXPLANATION, GEOMETRY, INDETERMINISM, MODEL, PHILOSOPHY, PHYSICS, SCIENCE
Keywords: EMPIRICISM, LOGICAL EMPIRICISM, PHILOSOPHY, POSITIVISM, REALISM, SCIENCE
Studied acquisition of knowledge about astronomy in children (aged 5 yrs 8 mo to 8 yrs 5 mo) from India. It was hypothesized that the cosmological models that children construct are influenced by both 1st-order (FO) and 2nd-order (SO) constraints on knowledge acquisition. FO constraints are the implicit assumptions that govern the construction of initial cosmological models (e.g., assumptions that the earth is flat and supported). Such FO constraints are presumed to be universal. SO constraints arise from the specific properties ascribed to cosmological objects (e.g., representations of the earth's shape and location relative to the sun and moon constrain the kinds of mechanisms that are generated to account for the day-night cycle). It was hypothesized that in cultures where both folk cosmologies and the scientific cosmological model are accessible to children, aspects of folk models are likely to be incorporated in children's cosmologies if they provide a psychologically easier way of satisfying FO constraints. This hypothesis was supported by findings with regard to universality and culture specificity in children's cosmologies. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Child Attitudes, *Cognitive Development, *Folklore, *Sciences, 5.7-8.4 yr olds, beliefs about shape & motions & relative location of earth & sun & moon & day-night cycle & influence of folk models, Childhood (birth-12 yrs), Cognitive & Perceptual Development [2820]., Cognitive Development, Concept Formation, Empirical Study, Human, Hypothesis, India, Knowledge, Models, Preschool Age (2-5 yrs), School Age (6-12 yrs), Science
HILARY PUTNAM HAS ARGUED THAT VIRTUALLY ALL OF THE COMMON NOUNS OF ORDINARY LANGUAGE ARE LIKE NATURAL KIND TERMS IN THAT THEY ARE INDEXICAL. HIS ARGUMENTS ARE NOT CONVINCING, HOWEVER, WHEN APPLIED TO ARTIFACT KIND TERMS. THERE IS A DISTINCTION BETWEEN NATURAL KIND TERMS AND NOMINAL KIND TERMS. THE LATTER ARE NOT INDEXICAL. ARTIFACT KIND TERMS ARE NOMINAL KIND TERMS. IT SEEMS THAT A SIGNIFICANT PROPORTION OF ORDINARY NOUNS ARE NOMINAL KIND TERMS.
Keywords: ARTIFACT-; INDEXICALITY-; LANGUAGE-
Keywords: EXPLANATION
For more than a century, theorists of cognitive development have embraced some form of the thesis that cognitive development proceeds from concrete to abstract knowledge. In contrast to this view, we suggest an abstract to concrete shift in the development of biological thought. In five studies we examine children's expectations for what could be inside animals and machines and we find that children of all ages respond systematically, revealing abstract expectations for how the insides of animals and machines should differ. By 8 years, children seem to have more concrete expectations for the nature of insides, and are substantially more accurate than preschoolers. More broadly, we suspect that an abstract to concrete progression may capture important features of how knowledge develops in the realm of biological thought and in many other areas of understanding as well
Keywords: Knowledge
The likelihood of a statement is often derived by generating an explanation for it and evaluating the plausibility of the explanation. The explanation discounting principle states that people tend to focus on a single explanation; alternative explanations compete with the effect of reducing one another's credibility. Two experiments tested the hypothesis that this principle applies to inductive inferences concerning the properties of everyday categories. In both experiments, subjects estimated the probability of a series of statements (conclusions) and the conditional probabilities of those conclusions given other related facts. For example, given that most lawyers make good sales people, what is the probability that most psychologists make good sales people? The results showed that when the fact and the conclusion had the same explanation the fact increased people's willingness to believe the conclusion, but when they had different explanations the fact decreased the conclusion's credibility. This decrease is attributed to explanation discounting; the explanation for the fact had the effect of reducing the plausibility of the explanation for the conclusion.
In most cases, rule-governed relations and similarity relations can indeed be distinguished by the number of relevant features they require. This criterion is not sufficient, however, to explain other properties of the relations that have a more dichotomous character. I focus on the differential drive for consistency by inferential processes that draw on the two types of relations.
Being white is central to whether we call an animal a "polar bear," but it is fairly peripheral to our concept of what a polar bear is. We propose that a feature is central to category naming in proportion to the feature's category validity-the probability of the feature, given the category. In contrast, a feature is conceptually central in a representation of the object to the extent that the feature is depended on by other features. Further, we propose that naming and conceptual centrality are more likely to disagree for features that hold at more specific levels (such as is white, which holds only for the specific category of polar bear) than for features that hold at intermediate levels of abstraction (such as has claws, which holds for all bears), In support of these hypotheses, we report evidence that increasing the abstractness of category features has a greater effect on judgments of conceptual centrality than on judgments of name centrality and that other category features depend more on intermediate-level category features than on specific ones.
Deciding how to label an object depends both on beliefs about the culturally appropriate name and on memory. A label should be consistent with a language community's norms, but those norms can be used only if they can be retrieved. Two experiments are reported in which we tested the hypothesis that immediate prior exposure to familiar objects and their names affects how an ambiguous target object is named. Exposure to a typical instance of one name category was pitted against exposure to one or two instances from a contrasting category. When the contrast set consisted of a neighbor of the target, naming was usually consistent with the contrast category. This effect was reduced when a typical instance of the contrast category was also exposed. In Experiment 2, the exposure set was varied to include conditions in which either the neighbor or a prototypical instance was paired with an instance dissimilar to the target. The results suggest that all recently exposed objects affect name choice in proportion to their similarity to the target.
A normative framework for modeling causal and counterfactual reasoning has been proposed by Spirtes, Glymour, and Scheines (1993; cf. Pearl, 2000). The framework takes as fundamental that reasoning from observation and intervention differ. Intervention includes actual manipulation as well as counterfactual manipulation of a model via thought. To represent intervention, Pearl employed the do operator that simplifies the structure of a causal model by disconnecting an intervened-on variable from its normal causes. Construing the do operator as a psychological function affords predictions about how people reason when asked counterfactual questions about causal relations that we refer to as undoings a family of effects that derive from the claim that intervened-on variables become independent of their normal causes. Six studies support the prediction for causal (A causes B) arguments but not consistently for parallel conditional (if A then B) ones. Two of the studies show that effects are treated as diagnostic when their values are observed but nondiagnostic when they are intervened on. These results cannot be explained by theories that do not distinguish interventions from other sorts of events.
Focuses on conceptual features. Immutability of features; Dependence of the internal structure of a concept on that feature; Testing of a model of mutability; Findings of the qualitative tests of the model
Keywords: CENTRALITY, Concepts, Feature Centrality, RESEARCH
We evaluate three theories of categorisation in the domain of artifacts. Two theories are versions of psychological essentialism; they posit that artifact categorisation is a matter of judging membership in a kind by appealing to a belief about the true, underlying nature of the object. The first version holds that the essence can be identified with the intended function of objects. The second holds that the essence can be identified with the creator's intended kind membership. The third theory is called "minimalism". It states that judgements of kind membership are based on beliefs about causal laws, not beliefs about essences. We conclude that each theory makes unnecessary assumptions in explaining how people make everyday classifications and inductions with artifacts. Essentialist theories go wrong in assuming that the belief that artifacts have essences is critical to categorisation. All theories go wrong in assuming that artifacts are treated as if they belong to stable, fixed kinds. Theories of artifact categorisation must contend with the fact that artifact categories are not stable, but rather depend on the categorisation task at hand.
One enduring principle of rational inference is category inclusion: Categories inherit the properties of their superordinates. In five experiments, I show that people do not consistently apply this principle when evaluating categorical arguments involving natural categories and a single nonexplainable predicate such as all electronic equipment has pal-ts made of germanium, therefore all stereos have parts made of germanium. Participants frequently did not apply the category inclusion rule despite affirming the relevant categorical relation (e.g., stereos are electronic equipment). They failed to apply the rule even when categories were universally quantified unambiguously. Instead, judgments tended to be proportional to the similarity between premise and conclusion categories. Neglect of category inclusion relations was observed using arguments concerning natural kinds, artifacts, and social kinds. (C) 1998 Academic Press.
Keywords: ESSENTIALISM, EVOLUTION, POPULATION, SCIENCE, STATISTICS
Keywords: EVOLUTION, OCKHAM'S RAZOR, PARSIMONY, REDUCTION, SCIENCE
Keywords: DISPOSITION, EPISTEMOLOGY, EQUIVALENCE, LINGUISTICS, SUBJUNCTIVE
Keywords: CAUSATION, DEPENDENCY, SCIENCE
Keywords: EPISTEMOLOGY, INDEPENDENCE, LINGUISTICS, MEANING, REALISM
Keywords: EXPLANATION, PSYCHOLOGY, SCIENCE
Keywords: CAUSAL EXPLANATION, CAUSE, EXPLANATION, METAPHYSICS, PARSIMONY, PROBABILITY
Keywords: CAUSAL EXPLANATION, CAUSE, CORRELATION, LIKELIHOOD, PARSIMONY, SCIENCE
Keywords: ATTRIBUTION, CAUSALITY, RESPONSIBILITY, SCIENCE
Keywords: CONFIRMATION, GENERALIZATION, LAWLIKE PROPOSITION, LOGIC
Keywords: CONVERGENCE, INFERENCE RULE, LIKELIHOOD, PROBABILITY, SCIENCE, STATISTICS
Keywords: ABOUT, CAUSE, EVIDENCE, INDEPENDENCE, PRESUPPOSITION, SCIENCE
Keywords: HYPOTHESIS, PARSIMONY, SCIENCE, TRUTH
Keywords: BIOLOGY, EXPLANATION, NATURAL SELECTION, SCIENCE, SELECTION, SEX, SPECIES
Keywords: ERROR, HYPOTHESIS, LIKELIHOOD, MODEL, PROBABILITY, SCIENCE, SELECTION
Keywords: Knowledge
Proposes a predictive explanation of the Wason Selection Task (for testing a conditional rule) based on reanalysis of the task, and Relevance Theory. Four experiments on reasoning were conducted on 187 Ss in Italy and France to compare relevance (RC) and irrelevance conditions (IC). Ss were to understand the problem of 2 situations P and Q so that P-and-(not Q) situation will hold true in RC and not in IC. Results show that Ss inferred from the rule directly testable consequences in their order of accessibility, and stopped when the resulting interpretation of the rule met their expectations of relevance. Order of accessibility of the consequences and expectations may vary with the content and context of the rule. Ss selected the cards that may test the directly testable consequences they have inferred from the rule. By devising appropriate rule-context pairs, correct performance can be elicited in any conceptual domain. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2004 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: reanalysis of Wason Selection Task based on Relevance Theory, college students, Italy & France; Cognition; Reasoning; Task Analysis; Theories
(from the jacket) An understanding of cause-effect relationships is fundamental to the study of cognition. In this book, . . . specialists from comparative psychology, social psychology, developmental psychology, anthropology, and philosophy present the newest developments in the study of causal cognition and discuss their different perspectives. They reflect on the role and forms of causal knowledge, both in animal and human cognition, on the development of human causal cognition from infancy, and on the relationship between individual and cultural aspects of causal understanding. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2004 APA, all rights reserved); (Abbreviated) List of participants Introduction [by] Dan Sperber Part I: Causal representation in animal cognition * Instrumental action and causal representation / Anthony Dickinson and David Shanks * Causal knowledge in animals / Hans Kummer Part II: Causal understanding in naive physics * Infants' knowledge of object motion and human action / Elizabeth S. Spelke, Ann Phillips and Amanda L. Woodward * The acquisition of physical knowledge in infancy / Renee Baillargeon, Laura Kotovsky and Amy Needham Part III: Causal understanding in naive psychology * A theory of agency / Alan M. Leslie * Distinguishing between animates and inanimates: Not by motion alone / Rochel Gelman, Frank Durgin and Lisa Kaufman * Intention as psychological cause / David Premack and Ann James Premack Part IV: Causal understanding in naive biology * Causal constraints on categories and categorical constraints on biological reasoning across cultures / Scott Atran * The growth of causal understandings of natural kinds / Frank C. Keil * On the origin of causal understanding / Susan Carey Part V: Understanding social causality * Anthropology, psychology, and the meanings of social causality / Lawrence A. Hirschfeld * The looping effects of human kinds / Ian Hacking Part VI: The legitimacy of domain-specific causal understandings: Philosophical considerations * Causality at higher levels / Philip Pettit * The role of content in the explanation of behaviour / Pierre Jacob Part VII: Domain-general approaches to causal understanding * The role of coherence in differentiating genuine from spurious causes / Patricia W. Cheng and Yunnwen Lien * Logic and language in causal explanation / Denis J. Hilton Part VIII: Causal understanding in cross-cultural perspective * Ancient Greek concepts of causation in comparativist perspective / Geoffrey Lloyd * The articulation of circumstance and causal understandings / Gilbert Lewis * Causal attribution across domains and cultures / Michael W. Morris, Richard E. Nisbett and Kaiping Peng * Causal understandings in cultural representations: Cognitive constraints on inferences from cultural input / Pascal Boyer Afterword [by] David Premack and Ann James Premack Biographical notes on the contributors Subject index
Keywords: developmental & physical & biological & philosophical & sociocultural aspects of causal cognition & knowledge & understanding, humans & animals, conference presentation; Causal Analysis; Cognition; Comprehension; Animals; Biology; Cognitive Development; Philosophies; Physics; Social Cognition; Sociocultural Factors
(from the preface) In this book, . . . we present a new approach to the study of human communication. This approach . . . is grounded in a general view of human cognition. Human cognitive processes, we argue, are geared to achieving the greatest possible cognitive effect for the smallest possible processing effort. To achieve this, individuals must focus their attention on what seems to them to be the most relevant information available. To [verbally] communicate is to claim an individual's attention: hence to communicate is to imply that the information communicated is relevant. This fundamental idea . . . that communicated information comes with a guarantee of relevance [is referred to as the] communicative principle of relevance. We argue that this principle of relevance is essential to explaining human communication, and show . . . how it is enough on its own to account for the interaction of linguistic meaning and contextual factors in utterance interpretation. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2004 APA, all rights reserved); (Abbreviated) Preface to second edition List of symbols Communication Inference Relevance Aspects of verbal communication Postface Notes to first edition Notes to second edition Notes to postface Bibliography Index
Keywords: principle of relevance & interaction of linguistic meaning & contextual factors & cognitive processes in verbal communication; Cognition; Cognitive Processes; Verbal Communication; Attention; Inference; Psychosocial Factors; Verbal Meaning
Recent work on children's inferences concerning biological and chemical categories has suggested that children (and perhaps adults) are essentialists ? a view known as psychological essentialism. I distinguish three varieties of psychological essentialism and investigate the ways in which essentialism explains the inferences for which it is supposed to account. Essentialism succeeds in explaining the inferences, I argue, because it attributes to the child belief in causal laws connecting category membership and the possession of certain characteristic appearances and behavior. This suggests that the data will be equally well explained by a non-essentialist hypothesis that attributes belief in the appropriate causal laws to the child, but makes no claim as to whether or not the child represents essences. I provide several reasons to think that this non-essentialist hypothesis is in fact superior to any version of the essentialist hypothesis.
Keywords: Psychological essentialism; Naive biology; Concepts
Previous research into intergroup attribution has addressed mainly the behavior of groups to which members are ascribed (e.g. gender, race). The attribution processes of groups of which membership is achieved (e.g. friendship groups) is less well understood, and the current study sought to address this. Fifty-five undergraduate participants were asked to explain the positive and negative behavior of a member of the in-group and a member of the out-group. As predicted, the participants attributed an in-group member's positive behavior more, and their negative behavior less, to internal. global, and specific causes than they did the corresponding behavior of an out-group member. There was also evidence that the participants employed a strategy of out-group derogation in their attributions: they made a higher internality rating for an out-group member's negative behavior than they did for that person's positive behavior. It is proposed that the current study's use of achieved groups maximized participants' levels of group identification, and that this in turn motivated behavioral strategies aimed at protecting that identity.ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR
Keywords: SOCIAL groups; ATTRIBUTION (Social psychology); BEHAVIOR; GROUP identity; GROUPS
Keywords: SOCIAL
Keywords: Cognition
Keywords: KNOWLEDGE
(from the chapter) This chapter discusses why some features of concepts are more central than others. The authors begin with a review of possible determinants of feature centrality, then focus on one important determinant, the effects of causal background knowledge on feature centrality. The different approaches to understanding feature centrality (content-based, statistical, and theory-based) are addressed, then a general introduction is made to the Causal Status hypothesis. The authors present their rationale for predicting the causal status effect and empirical results supporting the hypothesis under various contexts. They describe previous categorization studies that can be accounted for by this hypothesis, and discuss moderating factors for the effect. Finally, they examine the potential consequences of focusing only on causal relations among features in study the effect of lay theories on feature centrality. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Causal Analysis, *Classification (Cognitive Process), causal relations: feature centrality: categorization: causal status hypothesis: essentialism, Causal status effect, CENTRALITY, Cognitive Processes [2340]., Concepts, Feature Centrality, Hypothesis, Knowledge, Psychological Theories, PSYCHOLOGY, Psychology: Professional & Research., RESEARCH, Theory-based
This paper provides a computational characterization of coherence that applies to a wide range of philosophical problems and psychological phenomena. Maximizing coherence is a matter of maximizing satisfaction of a set of positive and negative constraints. After comparing five algorithms for maximizing coherence, we show how our characterization of coherence overcomes traditional philosophical objections about circularity and truth
Keywords: Truth
Keywords: EXPLANATION, THEORY
Keywords: Judgment
Keywords: Explanation, Logic, Philosophy, Philosophy of Science, Science - Philosophy
Investigated elementary school children's explanations of the day/night cycle (DNC). 20 1st-, 20 3rd-, and 20 5th-grade Ss (aged 6-21 yrs) were asked to explain certain phenomena, such as the disappearance of the sun during the night, the disappearance of stars during the day, the movement of the moon, and the alteration of day and night. The majority of Ss consistently used relatively well-defined mental models (MMs) of the earth, the sun, and the moon to explain the DNC. These MMs were empirically accurate, logically consistent, and revealed some sensitivity to issues of simplicity of explanation. Younger Ss formed initial MMs that provided explanations of the DNC cycle based on everyday experience. Older Ss constructed synthetic MMs that represented attempts to synthesize the culturally accepted view with aspects of their initial models. A few of the older Ss appeared to have constructed a DNC MM similar to the scientific one. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2003 APA, all rights reserved)
Keywords: *Age Differences, *Cognitive Processes, *Models, 1st vs 3rd vs 5th graders, Adulthood (18 yrs & older), Childhood (birth-12 yrs), Cognitive & Perceptual Development [2820]., Cognitive science, Empirical Study, Explanation, Human, mental models for explanation of day/night cycle, Models, School Age (6-12 yrs), Science
Keywords: Cognition
Keywords: COGNITION, EXPLANATION
Keywords: EXPLANATION
Standard models of concept learning generally focus on deriving statistical properties of a category based on data (i.e., category members and the features that describe them) but fail to give appropriate weight to the contact between people's intuitive theories and these data. Two experiments explored the role of people's prior knowledge or intuitive theories on category learning by manipulating the labels associated with the category. Learning differed dramatically when categories of children's drawings were meaningfully labeled (e.g., "done by creative children") compared to when they were labeled in a neutral manner. When categories are meaningfully labeled, people bring intuitive theories to the learning context. Learning then involves a process in which people search for evidence in the data that supports abstract features or hypotheses that have been activated by the intuitive theories. In contrast, when categories are labeled in a neutral manner, people search for simple features that distinguish one category from another. Importantly, the final study suggests that learning involves an interaction of people's intuitive theories with data, in which theories and data mutually influence each other. The results strongly suggest that straight-forward, relatively modular ways of incorporating prior knowledge into models of category learning are inadequate. More telling, the results suggest that standard models may have fundamental limitations. We outline a speculative model of learning in which the interaction of theory and data is tightly coupled. The article concludes by comparing the results to recent artificial intelligence systems that use prior knowledge during learning
Keywords: Knowledge
In this paper we present evidence in support of the hypothesis that the average person's knowledge about trees, and about the natural world in general, has declined during the 20th century. Our investigations are based on examination of a large sample of written material from the 16th through 20th centuries contained in the Oxford English Dictionary. In Analysis 1, we show a precipitous decline in the use of tree terms after, but not before, the 19th century. In Analysis 2, we analyze tree terms at different levels of organization and show that the decline observed in Analysis 1 occurs for all levels of organization. This second analysis also reveals that during the 16th to 19th centuries tree terms became progressively more specific, suggesting that during these periods knowledge about trees increased. In Analysis 3, we show similar rates of decline in other folkbiological categories, indicating that the change in tree terms reflects a general decline in knowledge about living kinds. Also in Analysis 3, we show that several non-biological categories have experienced evolution during the 20th century, indicating that the declines in the 20th century for folkbiological categories are not an inevitable outcome of the corpus. Finally, Analysis 4 also shows declines in the frequency of quotations for which the tree term was not the topic of the sentence, and thus incidental to the purposes of the writer. The results from Analysis 4 reassure us that the results from Analyses 1-3 were not solely due to change in the aims and purposes of writers over the centuries. In sum, the analyses indicate that in the domain of trees, there has been a long and sustained period of conceptual evolution followed by a recent pronounced period of devolution
Keywords: Hypothesis, Knowledge
Presents information on a study which examined causal status as a determinant of feature centrality. Theory-based categorization; Causal status hypothesis; Reason people weigh causes than effects; What causal status hypothesis does and does not predict; Methodology; Results and discussion
Keywords: Causation, CENTRALITY, Feature Centrality, Hypothesis, Reason, SUFFICIENT reason, Theory-based
Keywords: Explanation; Teleology; Function; Causal reasoning; Philosophy of science
How do people perceive routine events, such as making a bed, as these events unfold in time? Research on knowledge structures suggests that people conceive of events as goal-directed partonomic hierarchies. Here, participants segmented videos of events into coarse and fine units on separate viewings; some described the activity of each unit as well. Both segmentation and descriptions support the hierarchical bias hypothesis in event perception: Observers spontaneously encoded the events in terms of partonomic hierarchies. Hierarchical organization was strengthened by simultaneous description and, to a weaker extent, by familiarity. Describing from memory rather than perception yielded fewer units but did not alter the qualitative nature of the descriptions. Although the descriptions were telegraphic and without communicative intent, their hierarchical structure was evident to naive readers. The data suggest that cognitive schemata mediate between perceptual and functional information about events and indicate that these knowledge structures may be organized around object/action units.
This file was generated by bibtex2html 1.98.
#I<- number of individuals
#O<- number of candidate objects
#G<- number of groups
#z<- group membership
#beta<- idealness
#alpha<- scaling parameter
#theta<- standard
#pi<- probability of group membership
#mu<- mean group standard
model
{
for (i in 1:I) {
for (o in 1:O) {
tt[i,o]<- exp(alpha[z[i],1]*
(beta[z[i],o] - theta[i]))
p[i,o]<-tt[i,o]/(1 + tt[i,o])
r[i,o]~dbern(p[i,o])
}
theta[i] ~ dnorm(mu[z[i]],1)
z[i] ~ dcat(pi[1:G])
}
}
Both Li et al. [2009] and Cho et al. [2013] present simulation studies that elucidate certain aspects of mixture IRT models, including model selection and choice of priors. As suggested by reviewers, we here describe two additional simulation studies. The first simulation study pertains to the behavior of the employed model selection criterion (BIC) when indivduals’ choices are completely independent. The second simulation study is intended to elucidate the results for the categories in which the model selection criterion identified a “rest” group along a group of consistently behaving individuals (things to put in your car and wedding gifts). We will show that it is plausible to think of this “rest” group as a haphazard group of individuals, just like the individuals from the first simulation study.
Both in simulation study 1 and in simualtion study 2, we simulated choices of 254 participants for 25 objects. The number of simulated participants equals the number of participants in our empirical study. The number of objects equals that of the largest categories in our empirical study (things not to eat/drink when on a diet and wedding gifts). The data were generated according to the model formula in Equation (1). We set α to 1.5 and varied βo from −3 to 3 in steps of .25. (These values are representative for the ones we observed in our empirical study.) Individual θi’s were drawn from the standard normal distribution. To generate data for independent decision makers, the βo’s were permuted for every new individual. They comprised all 254 participants in simulation study 1 and 54 participants (21%) in simulation study 2. The remaining 200 participants in simulation study 2 were assumed to employ the same criterion for their choices, but to differ regarding the standard they emposed on it. That is, to generate data for the consistent individuals the same βo’s were used (varying between −3 and 3 in steps of .25) and only the θi’s differed. Five simulated data sets were created in this manner for simulation study 1 and for simulation study 2. While the data sets in simulation study 1 are in effect comprised of independent choices (as evidenced by Kappa coefficients close to zero), the data sets in simulation study 2 each comprise a subgroup of heterogeneous decision makers (similar to the study 1 participants) and a subgroup of consistently behaving decision makers.
Each of the ten data sets was analyzed in the same manner as the empirical data sets in the main text. For each of the five simulated data sets in simulation study 1, the BIC favored the one-group solution, with the averages across data sets for the one- to five-groups solutions equaling 8540, 8671, 8784, 8906, and 9036. This result is in line with our intuitive introduction of how the mixture IRT model works. It relies on consistent behavior across participants to abstract one or more latent dimensions. Without common ground on which the decisions are based, the conservative BIC favors the least complex account of the data. The model parameters and the posterior predictive distributions in this case testify to the fact that this group should be considered a haphazard group of individuals. The range of the mean βo’s, for instance, is rather restricted ([−.63,.70] compared to the “empirical” range [−3,3]), yielding selection probabilities close to .50 for all objects. The posterior predictive distributions of the one-group model for the selection proportions resemble the circular outlines in the lower panel of Figure 4 (see text below for details). The fact that these distributions are wide compared to the observed differences between objects should be a red flag as well.
When the participants are comprised of a consistently behaving group and a group of heterogeneous decision makers, the BIC is able to pick up on this. The BIC values in Table 3 favor a two-groups solution for each of the simulation study 2 data sets. The solutions are 99% accurate (1262/1270) in allocating individuals to their respective groups (consistent vs. heterogenous) based on the posterior mode of zi. Only once was an individual belonging to the consistent group placed in the heterogeneous group. On seven occasions an individual from the heterogenous group was placed in the consistent group. While the former misallocation represents a true error, the same does not necessarily hold for the latter ones. The choice pattern of any of the heterogeneous individuals could by chance resemble the choice pattern of the consistent group. The generating βo’s are also recovered well. The correlation between the generating values and the posterior means of the βo’s is greater than .99 for all five data sets.
Figure 4: Posterior predictive distribution of the one-group model (upper panel) and the two-groups model (lower panel) for data set 1 from simulation study 2. Filled black circles show per object the selection proportion for the heterogeneous group. Filled gray squares show per object the selection proportion for the consistent group. Objects are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the generating βo values for the consistent group. Outlines of circles and squares represent the posterior predictive distributions of selection decisions for the heterogeneous and consistent group, respectively. The size of these outlines is proportional to the posterior mass that is given to the various selection probabilities. ![]()
Figure 4 presents the posterior predictive distributions for data set 1 from simulation study 2 in a similar manner as Figures 2 and 3 did. Both panels contain for every object a black circle that represents the selection proportion for the heterogeneous group and a gray square that represents the selection proportion for the dominant, consistent group. Unlike the demonstration in the main text, this division of participants is based on known group membership, instead of inferred. Objects are ordered along the horizontal axes according to the generating βo values for the consistent group. In accordance with the manner in which the data were generated, the selection proportions for the rest group are close to .50, while the selection proportions for the consistent group show a steady increase.
The upper panel in Figure 4 shows the posterior predictive distributions of selection probabilities that result from the one-group model. The lower panel shows the posterior predictive distributions that result from the two-groups model. For every object the panels include a separate distribution for each subgroup (circular outlines for the rest group; square outlines for the consistent group). The size of the plot symbols is proportional to the posterior mass given to the various selection probabilities. The larger, consistent group dominates the results for the one-group model. The posterior predictive distributions tend toward the selection proportions of this dominant group but are not really centered on the empirical proportions because the one-group model is trying to accommodate the choices from the heterogeneous group as well. Especially for objects with selection proportions that are considerably smaller or considerably larger than .50, the posterior predictive distributions are being pulled away from the consistent selection proportions toward the heterogeneous group’s selection proportions. The two-groups model, on the other hand, distinguishes between heterogeneous and consistent responses. The posterior predictive distributions for the consistent group are tightly centered around the empirical selection proportions, while the posterior predictive distributions for the heterogeneous group vary more widely around a selection proportion of .50 for all objects. Although the latter distribution is not as wide as in the empirical cases, this pattern is reminiscent of the one observed in the main text for the categories things not to eat/drink when on a diet and wedding gifts. It supports the interpretation that for these categories the mixture IRT model identified a group of heterogeneous decision makers, that is best regarded as not following the same selection principle as the consistent group (a “rest” group). In a more general sense, the simulation results stress the importance of inspecting the posterior predictive distributions before turning to a substantial interpretation of the results.
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